The Butterfly Effect, from war to humanitarian aid!

© UNRWA Ashraf Amra

“Can the flap of a butterfly’s wings in Brazil cause a tornado in Texas? This statement by meteorologist Edward Lorenz is the origin of the Butterfly Effect theory. Can this theory now be applied to geopolitics, and with what consequences for humanitarian aid?

At the end of the International Conference in Support of Ukraine, which brought together 21 heads of state and government at the Elysée Palace on February 26, French President Emmanuel Macron declared that “nothing must be excluded”, and raised the possibility of Western troops being deployed in Ukraine itself.

Is it triggered by a balance of power that is becoming dangerously unfavorable to the Ukrainians, linked to Trump’s provocative statements about the weakness of the European war effort?

When Vladimir Putin replied in his annual address to the Russian nation, “This constitutes a real threat of conflict with the use of nuclear weapons, which means the destruction of civilization”, is this another Butterfly Effect, and how far could it lead when we know that this Butterfly Effect is also known as chaos theory?

Let’s meditate on the famous phrase by Carl Von Clausewitz, Prussian general, philosopher and military historian, in his book “The Art of War”, when he writes that war is the pursuit of politics by other means. And we are at war today on the European continent, where numerous humanitarian organizations are active in Ukraine to help the victims. Having failed to preserve peace on the continent, are we doomed to see this war last, intensify, expand to other territories, or even escalate to the use of unconventional weapons?

Some figures speak volumes.

France’s defense budget rose from 32.3 billion euros in 2017 to 47 billion euros in 2024, and is expected to reach around 70 billion euros in 2030! The general trend is similar worldwide. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), 2022 represents the eighth consecutive year of growth for defense worldwide, estimated at $2,340 billion. Spending in Europe (480 billion euros in 2022) has exceeded its level at the end of the Cold War.

“If you want peace, prepare for war” goes the ancient adage, and that’s exactly what could happen now, as Europe and the United States switch to a war economy and fail to keep Ukraine supplied with shells. Russia produces 2 to 2.5 million shells a year, while the Western commitment to supply one million shells was limited to 300,000 in 9 months out of a one-year commitment.

Experts are now talking about the risk of a tipping point in the war in Ukraine, with a possible final victory for Russia. Faced with this risk, and anxious about the American elections at the end of the year, the countries of Europe are essentially in agreement: “We will do everything we can to ensure that Russia cannot win this war”.

It’s a long road to the causes and consequences that will impact on humanitarian aid and those involved. The geopolitical Butterfly Effect has now spread to the entire planet. The international order that has prevailed since the demise of the USSR is over, and we have entered a phase of fragmentation that has French general Michel Yakolveff saying, “We’re in for 20 years of chaos”.

Against this backdrop, let’s ask ourselves the following question. Is there a link between the war in Ukraine and Azerbaijan’s military offensive against Nagorno-Karabakh or Artsakh, now threatening Armenia and leading countries like India and France to supply arms to this country?

Armenian soldiers in front of the 50 tanks delivered by France to Armenia for defense.

Is there an imitation effect between the tug-of-war between the Alliance of Sahel States (Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the renewed war in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) between the army and the M23 rebel movement, militarily supported by Rwanda, and a coalition comprising Angola, South Africa and Burundi?

Is it necessary to mention the situation in Gaza to understand, as in Ukraine, that this is also a regional war with a global dimension, which plunges us into the uncertainty of its serious long-term consequences. In any case, let’s be clear here: humanitarian aid to the people of Gaza is an immediate survival emergency, and an absolute moral obligation.

Against a backdrop of deregulation of international relations, weakening of the UN and questioning of Western magisterial authority, this is an opportune moment for countries and actors who would like to take advantage of the situation to seize territories by force.

In an article, journalists Stéphane Aubouard and Alain Léauthier in Marianne calculated that if we added up the populations of countries at war with a state, those in civil war, in hybrid war or in civil war, this would represent 48% of the world’s population. These conflicts are just as likely to worsen as to spread, at a time and in an environment favorable to any challenge to the established order.

What’s the Butterfly Effect for humanitarian aid?

Will humanitarian needs increase, stabilize or decrease? This is the question we need to ask ourselves in order to prepare for the most likely scenario. Fragmentation is a source of conflict, as we can see from the tensions in Moldavia with Transnistria and in the Balkans.

While the consequences of conflict currently account for the lion’s share of humanitarian aid, let’s not forget that climate disruption and its catastrophes, water stress, hunger and the gradual depletion of natural resources against a backdrop of demographic growth and exponentially increasing consumption will amplify and accelerate the need for humanitarian responses.

What will be the trend over the coming years in terms of people’s access to relief? Improvement, stabilization or regression? Do the examples of Gaza, the blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh, Ukraine and the war-torn territories of the Sahel countries illustrate the trend?

Will funding be sufficient to meet the vital needs of populations affected by war, disaster or epidemics? According to OCHA and Martin Griffiths, the alarm bells were ringing in 2023, with the worst funding shortfall on record, when only 19.9 billion USD of the 56.7 billion USD estimated at the end of the year had been raised! What will happen in 2024 and beyond?

France, which had increased its Official Development Assistance (ODA) from less than 10 billion euros in 2017 to more than 15 billion in 2022, has just cut its 2024 ODA by 746 million euros as part of a 10 billion euro plan to reduce public spending, for lack of sufficient growth! How can we compensate for this loss, how can we make up for it in 2025?

The big question, then, is whether the new international context of conflict and the arms race, of a transition to a war economy that would cause constraints and shortages in certain sectors, will see ODA and humanitarian aid sanctuarized at the level of needs or, on the contrary, reduced.

Not to mention the risk of humanitarian aid being politicized, both by certain states and by various organizations. The recent publication of an article entitled “La folle dérive des ONG” (“The mad drift of NGOs”) in the magazine Franc-tireur, calling into question the impartiality of human rights NGOs, should give us food for thought about how to maintain public and donor confidence, and strengthen access to populations at risk.

For a humanitarian aggiornamento.

© UNWRA. Supply trucks for Gaza waiting to enter.

Humanitarians today are faced with a host of challenges, some of which depend on them, others on which they have little or no control. The humanitarian sector needs to reconsider its human, financial and logistical capacities, as well as its capacity for innovation, public support and influence.

Influence is more than ever essential if humanitarian concerns are to be kept alive, broadened and deepened in public policy. Whether we’re talking about ODA, humanitarian funding, access to water, food, shelter and healthcare, or all the interacting factors such as climate, water, natural resources and the environment, all of which I can’t mention here.

Don’t get me wrong, I believe in influencing humanitarian public policy, not in some partisan ideology using humanitarianism to weaken our influence and ultimately our action. Others can do it, but mixing genres is contrary to the humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence, which are the main conditions for humanitarian access, often abused, sometimes blocked, but always essential.

In this editorial, despite the description of a rather gloomy geopolitical landscape, my aim is to be realistic. While the worst is fortunately never certain, to prevent it we must act accordingly, and today’s world also harbors many signs of hope, including the precious optimism of the will to avoid chaos and preserve humanism.

This article is an illustration of the editorial policy of the online magazine Défis Humanitaires. Analyze, anticipate, propose and debate for a more intelligent and effective humanitarianism. Debate, as we are doing here once again on the dramatic situation in Gaza, and as we will continue to do for the future of humanitarianism.

 

Alain Boinet

Alain Boinet is President of the association Défis Humanitaires, which publishes the online magazine http://www.defishumanitaires.com. He is the founder of the humanitarian association Solidarités International, of which he was Managing Director for 35 years. He is also a member of the Groupe de Concertation Humanitaire at the Centre de Crise et de Soutien of the French Ministry of Europe and Foreign Affairs, and of the Board of Directors of Solidarités International, the Partenariat Français pour l’Eau (PFE), the Véolia Foundation and the Think Tank (re)sources. He continues to travel to the field (North-East Syria, Nagorno-Karabakh/Artsakh and Armenia) and to speak to the media.

 

We are pleased to offer you articles and interviews on Gaza, Armenia and Kurdistan, as well as articles on water to mark World Water Day on March 22. Thank you for your support (MakeaDonation). Issue 86 :

“Le Malheur Kurde”

Edouard Lagourgue, President of Solinfo, has been visiting Kurdistan since the 1990s. He has recently carried out several humanitarian missions in Iraq and Syria, and shares with Défis Humanitaires his up-to-date view of the two Kurdistan regions.

©Solinfo – Edouard Lagourgue, President of Solinfo, with some of the children from the Kobane psycho-social center.

« Le Malheur Kurde » … as described by Gérard Chaliand, Kurdistan is once again facing an existential threat far from the spotlight. Solinfo, a French NGO, has been working in both Iraqi and Syrian Kurdistan since 2012, running psycho-social support sessions and art therapy workshops for child victims of war, displaced from Kobane to Raqqa, as well as orphans and young people in Erbil and Suleymania.

In Syria, today, in the middle of winter, more than 12 million Syrians – 65% of the population – are not eating regularly, according to the World Food Program (WFP), and are in need of vital humanitarian aid. In North Eastern Syria (NES), acute and chronic malnutrition rates are twice as high as the country’s national average. This primarily concerns the displaced people in the NES, who are fleeing the conflict zones in ever-increasing numbers. The Humanitarian Affairs Office (HAO) based in Raqqa deplores the humanitarian disengagement marked by a reduction in contributions and in the number of active international NGOs.

In Irak, the Kurds in the north no longer have independent access to revenues from their oil resources, and are facing a major financial crisis of their own. The salaries of civil servants (nearly 40% of the population) are being paid 3 to 4 months late. The entire social balance of the region is threatened.

At the same time, both Kurdistan regions fear the departure of the Western anti-terrorist coalition based in northeast Syria (NES) and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). Indeed, both the central government in Baghdad and the Syrian government have little taste for the Kurds’ desire to consolidate their autonomy in territories internationally recognized as belonging to them.

The Kurdish-populated regions, divided mainly between Iran, Turkey, Syria and Iraq, have a population of almost 40 million. The promises of the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres, which announced the creation of a Kurdish state on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire, have come to nothing. Since then, mistreated and sometimes denied their identity by their national states, the Kurds are once again under threat in the current geo-political context, amplified by the consequences of the war between Israel and Hamas.

©Solinfo – Northeastern Syria – Cemetery of Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters in Kobane

In Northern Iraq or Iraqi Kurdistan, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is dominated by the Kurdistan Democratic Party and also includes the PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan), various parties such as the Assyrian and Yaesidi parties. The current President of Iraq, Abdel Latif Rachid, is a member of the PUK.

Tensions are currently running high again in Iraqi Kurdistan, exacerbated by the financial conflict with the central government and international upheavals linked to the Gaza conflict. This is reflected in attacks by Shiite militias under orders from Iran on international coalition bases, and opportunistic destruction by the Turks on sites supposedly housing the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK). In this way, the Iranians are said to be exerting pressure on Iraq to get the international coalition forces to leave.

In Iraqi Kurdistan, road, agricultural (large farms), energy, real estate, educational and productive (factories) infrastructures have developed considerably in recent years, thanks to oil revenues, foreign investment and numerous Iraqi businessmen from other regions. The slowdown in oil revenues has led to a drop in public spending and an economic crisis, even though the central government in Baghdad may finally pay the KRG a share of its oil revenues, which is currently the subject of negotiations and hopes.

Iraqi Kurdistan does not wish to lose the protection of the international coalition forces and its financial autonomy, which would threaten the very balance of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.

In Syria, North East Syria (NES) includes Rojava with the main Kurdish towns (Qamishli, Kobane, Hassaké, Afrin) and the provincial towns of Raqqa, Mambij, Derezor, Shaba in Aleppo, which make up the NES under an autonomous administration democratically managed by Kurdish, Arab and Syriac representatives.

©Solinfo – North-East Syria – psycho-social center for displaced persons in Manbij

Everyone will remember that the NES includes the presence or occupation of all the players in the conflict in Syria: the Syrian government, Russia, Iran, the coalition of Western forces, the Syrian Democratic Forces (FDS), Turkey and its armed wing, the National Army, and other Jihadist groups… The configuration of these heterogeneous forces is quite complex, with a geographical presence scattered across the entire Syrian territory. These parameters make the NES very fragile in the face of the initiatives of the various politico-military players, whose fundamental interests are, moreover, profoundly divergent. The Kurdish ethnic group remains a minority in the territory it controls. For the time being, movements by certain Arab tribes, renewed jihadist pressure, attacks by Iranian proxies on international coalition bases and pressure from Turkey, which is destroying electricity, water and agricultural infrastructures, carrying out targeted drone attacks and reducing water levels in the Euphrates, make the situation in the NES extremely unstable.

At the same time, on a social level, the population of the NES is living in extreme poverty, with an average income estimated at 40 US$/month. It faces unprecedented annual inflation, making life unbearable in the region. For example, the price of bread (standard bag) has risen from 500 to 1000 Syrian Pounds in the space of a year. The population is living in a state of survival, resigned, with no hope of a better life, growing uncertainty about the future and an idleness that affects even the most talented. This encourages emigration, even if the Turkish border seems to be a deterrent and a danger to those who attempt to cross.

©Solinfo – art therapy session – february 2024

Northeastern Syria is also hanging on the departure of international coalition forces, under pressure from Iranian proxies, threatened by the control that Turkey wants to extend to its northern border, and finally under pressure from the Syrian regime and the real threat of a resurgence of armed jihadist groups.

This chaos in Kurdistan, far from the spotlight, raises two humanitarian issues: access to populations in danger and the financing of humanitarian aid in these circumstances.

Thus, both Kurdistan are hanging on the rumor of the threat of departure of the forces of the international coalition, whose mandate is to combat the reminiscence of international jihadism, not to defend the autonomy of the Kurds of Iraq or Syria. Some have no doubt not forgotten this, and will be playing it up in the months ahead… the Kurds are aware of this, and want to convince people that they are still reliable allies of peoples threatened by jihadist terrorism.

 

Edouard Lagourgue

Edouard Lagourgue: Adventurer-humanist and former Chairman of Solidarité International (2013-2018), he is an expert member of Défis Humanitaires and supports a number of associations, including two working with the injured and victims of terrorism. Formerly head of a company in Africa, he is now a director of companies and associations.

 

 

Discover here Solinfo’s website : https://solinfo.org/en/