Humanitarian Deadlock in Northeastern Syria ?

Residents of the Sahlat al Banat camp lining up in front of the tent. © Juliette Elie

Under the already heavy sun of a September morning, about fifty people wait among the dusty tents of the Sahlat al Banat camp in northeastern Syria. As the vehicle arrives, a murmur rises in front of the tent: everyone pleads their case, hoping to be registered on the list of one hundred medical consultations scheduled for the coming days.

Since 2018, more than 2,000 families have taken refuge on the outskirts of the vast landfill site of Raqqa. From the towns of Deir ez-Zor or Maadan, they fled successive offensives that put an end to several years of Islamic State control. Over time, shelters have multiplied: as far as the eye can see, sheets of fabric, blankets, and tarpaulins—sometimes marked with the UNHCR logo—bear witness to the gradual withdrawal of humanitarian aid. A heavy odor hangs over the camp, a mix of waste and burning plastic that clings to the air and to the clothes. Here, children sort through mountains of garbage, searching for pieces of metal they can sell for a few cents. For many, it is the only means of survival.

Naji Al Matrood, teacher with the NGO Solinfo. © Juliette Elie

For several years now, we at SOLINFO have been running psychosocial support workshops for about a hundred children every month. For an hour or two, they can escape their daily lives and simply be children again—no longer worrying about how many scraps of metal they collected or how many Syrian pounds they managed to earn. Under this tent, teacher Naji Al Matrood constantly imagines new ways to capture the children’s attention and restore to them the lightness of their age.

My role as a doctor and the association’s medical coordinator strengthens this support by providing both medical care and preventive action, including hygiene awareness sessions and the distribution of kits containing essential items: toothbrush, toothpaste, soap, nail clippers, and disinfectant solution.

These moments spent with the children also reveal the daily lives of the men and women living in an extremely degraded environment. The dust and the smell permeate everything. The children often arrive barefoot, their clothes dirty or torn. The most common diseases tell their own story: scabies, diarrhea, and malnutrition are almost constant.

We conducted a nutritional survey of one hundred children in the camp, and the results are alarming: more than half show signs of undernutrition—53%, one third of them severely malnourished and two thirds moderately. In concrete terms, this means that most of the children examined are not growing normally: their weight is insufficient for their height or age, which can lead to bone fragility, developmental delays, edema, and greater vulnerability to infections. These data confirm the seriousness of the situation and illustrate the lack of sustainable nutritional programs in the region.

Children of the Sahlat al Banat camp © Juliette Elie

Dangerous Budget Cuts for Relief Efforts

These figures are not an exception; they reflect a broader reality—the humanitarian deadlock in northeastern Syria. Since early 2025, budget restrictions decided by Washington have led to the suspension of many USAID-funded programs. In practice, numerous international NGOs have seen their funding cut by 40%, forcing them to reduce staff and scale down their projects in the region.

On the ground, the consequences are visible: many NGOs have withdrawn, projects have been halted, and staff remain in limbo. Local NGOs are trying to compensate for the absence of international actors, but they lack the logistical and financial means that previously gave strength to the humanitarian apparatus. This paradigm shift now highlights the responsibility of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), which finds itself alone in front of camps it can neither manage nor close.

In this fragmented humanitarian landscape, Damascus is gradually regaining control, starting with the administrative level: from now on, all UN agencies must submit their project proposals to the Syrian government before any field action. At the same time, international NGOs wishing to collaborate with the United Nations must register with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, an obligatory step to obtain legal authorization to operate. This ministry imposes long, redundant, and sometimes arbitrary procedures.

Local NGOs, for their part, are subject to a similar process: they must obtain registration with the Ministry of Social Affairs, which reviews their statutes and funding sources. This supervision allows the government to filter and channel aid toward the areas it deems a priority.

Despite these constraints, the Health Authority Office (HAO)—the AANES’s health body—tries to maintain a parallel coordination system. Acting as a “Ministry of Health,” it manages hospitals, primary health centers, and coordinates humanitarian activities of both international and local NGOs to best respond to the population’s needs.

Beyond the humanitarian emergency, northeastern Syria has for several months been awaiting negotiations between the new government led by Ahmed Al Charaa and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. In early October, several meetings took place, driven by U.S. efforts to maintain a fragile balance between their Kurdish allies and a Syrian regime seeking regional normalization.

Like the Druze and Alawite communities, Kurdish representatives appear to be advocating for a federal modelguaranteeing administrative, cultural, and security autonomy. Damascus, on the other hand, favors the establishment of a centralized state and the integration of the various armed groups.

During my mission, clashes broke out in Aleppo’s Kurdish neighborhoods of Ashrafieh and Sheikh Maqsoud, opposing local units to pro-government factions. On October 8, a ceasefire was negotiated between the two parties, restoring a fragile calm to the city. These episodes reflect the fragility of coexistence between the regime and Kurdish forces and recall the community violence recently inflicted on the Druze and Alawites.

Even within Kurdish circles, opinions diverge. Some express cautious optimism, seeing a chance for recognition or even the promise of a federal state. Others, more disillusioned, fear renewed conflict, the disenchantment of a people exhausted by war. “Talks will never succeed as long as Damascus remains torn both internally and by its foreign sponsors,” says a local official in Qamishli.

Hope for Peace Above All

On the ground, this political stalemate is ever-present and translates into constant security fragility. Roads are closed or blocked by makeshift checkpoints; local partners tell rumors of attacks, kidnappings, and revenge killings—all of which contribute to the population’s sense of insecurity. The fear of the Islamic State still lingers in some villages where sporadic attacks occur.

Yet, we encountered no incidents during our mission. Movements took place without hindrance, and the region remains relatively stable. This observation reveals a fragile stability, where life continues despite everything.

Northeastern Syria today is a humanitarian gray zone, where neither war nor peace truly prevails. International attention has turned elsewhere, cameras have moved on, and displaced populations—now invisible—are rarely mentioned. Yet life here remains marked by extreme precariousness. In Raqqa, the national hospital still stands, supported almost entirely by NGOs. Care is provided free of charge, allowing the population to access a minimal level of healthcare.

Like many humanitarian actors in the region, we work exclusively with local NGOs—the only ones who truly know the realities on the ground. Mustapha, our country director, and Driss, our project manager, embody this quiet resistance and remain committed despite the uncertainty weighing on the current political situation.

I will return soon to continue this modest but essential work for those who have nothing left—except the hope of peace above all.

Juliette Elie.

 

Medical Consultations in Sahlat al Banat

Docteur Juliette ELIE : 

After earning a doctorate in medicine from Université Paris Diderot and a master’s degree in research on inflammation and inflammatory diseases, Dr. Juliette Elie works as an associate practitioner at Necker–Enfants Malades Hospital in Paris.

She currently serves as a volunteer humanitarian doctor within the NGO SOLINFO, chaired by Edouard Lagourgue, where she oversees medical projects, particularly in the fields of nutrition, community health, and support to displaced populations.

Her commitment reflects an approach that combines scientific rigor, field action, and support for local actors to sustainably strengthen health capacities in crisis zones

 

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“Le Malheur Kurde”

Edouard Lagourgue, President of Solinfo, has been visiting Kurdistan since the 1990s. He has recently carried out several humanitarian missions in Iraq and Syria, and shares with Défis Humanitaires his up-to-date view of the two Kurdistan regions.

©Solinfo – Edouard Lagourgue, President of Solinfo, with some of the children from the Kobane psycho-social center.

« Le Malheur Kurde » … as described by Gérard Chaliand, Kurdistan is once again facing an existential threat far from the spotlight. Solinfo, a French NGO, has been working in both Iraqi and Syrian Kurdistan since 2012, running psycho-social support sessions and art therapy workshops for child victims of war, displaced from Kobane to Raqqa, as well as orphans and young people in Erbil and Suleymania.

In Syria, today, in the middle of winter, more than 12 million Syrians – 65% of the population – are not eating regularly, according to the World Food Program (WFP), and are in need of vital humanitarian aid. In North Eastern Syria (NES), acute and chronic malnutrition rates are twice as high as the country’s national average. This primarily concerns the displaced people in the NES, who are fleeing the conflict zones in ever-increasing numbers. The Humanitarian Affairs Office (HAO) based in Raqqa deplores the humanitarian disengagement marked by a reduction in contributions and in the number of active international NGOs.

In Irak, the Kurds in the north no longer have independent access to revenues from their oil resources, and are facing a major financial crisis of their own. The salaries of civil servants (nearly 40% of the population) are being paid 3 to 4 months late. The entire social balance of the region is threatened.

At the same time, both Kurdistan regions fear the departure of the Western anti-terrorist coalition based in northeast Syria (NES) and the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). Indeed, both the central government in Baghdad and the Syrian government have little taste for the Kurds’ desire to consolidate their autonomy in territories internationally recognized as belonging to them.

The Kurdish-populated regions, divided mainly between Iran, Turkey, Syria and Iraq, have a population of almost 40 million. The promises of the 1920 Treaty of Sèvres, which announced the creation of a Kurdish state on the ruins of the Ottoman Empire, have come to nothing. Since then, mistreated and sometimes denied their identity by their national states, the Kurds are once again under threat in the current geo-political context, amplified by the consequences of the war between Israel and Hamas.

©Solinfo – Northeastern Syria – Cemetery of Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) fighters in Kobane

In Northern Iraq or Iraqi Kurdistan, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is dominated by the Kurdistan Democratic Party and also includes the PUK (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan), various parties such as the Assyrian and Yaesidi parties. The current President of Iraq, Abdel Latif Rachid, is a member of the PUK.

Tensions are currently running high again in Iraqi Kurdistan, exacerbated by the financial conflict with the central government and international upheavals linked to the Gaza conflict. This is reflected in attacks by Shiite militias under orders from Iran on international coalition bases, and opportunistic destruction by the Turks on sites supposedly housing the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK). In this way, the Iranians are said to be exerting pressure on Iraq to get the international coalition forces to leave.

In Iraqi Kurdistan, road, agricultural (large farms), energy, real estate, educational and productive (factories) infrastructures have developed considerably in recent years, thanks to oil revenues, foreign investment and numerous Iraqi businessmen from other regions. The slowdown in oil revenues has led to a drop in public spending and an economic crisis, even though the central government in Baghdad may finally pay the KRG a share of its oil revenues, which is currently the subject of negotiations and hopes.

Iraqi Kurdistan does not wish to lose the protection of the international coalition forces and its financial autonomy, which would threaten the very balance of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.

In Syria, North East Syria (NES) includes Rojava with the main Kurdish towns (Qamishli, Kobane, Hassaké, Afrin) and the provincial towns of Raqqa, Mambij, Derezor, Shaba in Aleppo, which make up the NES under an autonomous administration democratically managed by Kurdish, Arab and Syriac representatives.

©Solinfo – North-East Syria – psycho-social center for displaced persons in Manbij

Everyone will remember that the NES includes the presence or occupation of all the players in the conflict in Syria: the Syrian government, Russia, Iran, the coalition of Western forces, the Syrian Democratic Forces (FDS), Turkey and its armed wing, the National Army, and other Jihadist groups… The configuration of these heterogeneous forces is quite complex, with a geographical presence scattered across the entire Syrian territory. These parameters make the NES very fragile in the face of the initiatives of the various politico-military players, whose fundamental interests are, moreover, profoundly divergent. The Kurdish ethnic group remains a minority in the territory it controls. For the time being, movements by certain Arab tribes, renewed jihadist pressure, attacks by Iranian proxies on international coalition bases and pressure from Turkey, which is destroying electricity, water and agricultural infrastructures, carrying out targeted drone attacks and reducing water levels in the Euphrates, make the situation in the NES extremely unstable.

At the same time, on a social level, the population of the NES is living in extreme poverty, with an average income estimated at 40 US$/month. It faces unprecedented annual inflation, making life unbearable in the region. For example, the price of bread (standard bag) has risen from 500 to 1000 Syrian Pounds in the space of a year. The population is living in a state of survival, resigned, with no hope of a better life, growing uncertainty about the future and an idleness that affects even the most talented. This encourages emigration, even if the Turkish border seems to be a deterrent and a danger to those who attempt to cross.

©Solinfo – art therapy session – february 2024

Northeastern Syria is also hanging on the departure of international coalition forces, under pressure from Iranian proxies, threatened by the control that Turkey wants to extend to its northern border, and finally under pressure from the Syrian regime and the real threat of a resurgence of armed jihadist groups.

This chaos in Kurdistan, far from the spotlight, raises two humanitarian issues: access to populations in danger and the financing of humanitarian aid in these circumstances.

Thus, both Kurdistan are hanging on the rumor of the threat of departure of the forces of the international coalition, whose mandate is to combat the reminiscence of international jihadism, not to defend the autonomy of the Kurds of Iraq or Syria. Some have no doubt not forgotten this, and will be playing it up in the months ahead… the Kurds are aware of this, and want to convince people that they are still reliable allies of peoples threatened by jihadist terrorism.

 

Edouard Lagourgue

Edouard Lagourgue: Adventurer-humanist and former Chairman of Solidarité International (2013-2018), he is an expert member of Défis Humanitaires and supports a number of associations, including two working with the injured and victims of terrorism. Formerly head of a company in Africa, he is now a director of companies and associations.

 

 

Discover here Solinfo’s website : https://solinfo.org/en/