Humanitarian Deadlock in Northeastern Syria ?

Residents of the Sahlat al Banat camp lining up in front of the tent. © Juliette Elie

Under the already heavy sun of a September morning, about fifty people wait among the dusty tents of the Sahlat al Banat camp in northeastern Syria. As the vehicle arrives, a murmur rises in front of the tent: everyone pleads their case, hoping to be registered on the list of one hundred medical consultations scheduled for the coming days.

Since 2018, more than 2,000 families have taken refuge on the outskirts of the vast landfill site of Raqqa. From the towns of Deir ez-Zor or Maadan, they fled successive offensives that put an end to several years of Islamic State control. Over time, shelters have multiplied: as far as the eye can see, sheets of fabric, blankets, and tarpaulins—sometimes marked with the UNHCR logo—bear witness to the gradual withdrawal of humanitarian aid. A heavy odor hangs over the camp, a mix of waste and burning plastic that clings to the air and to the clothes. Here, children sort through mountains of garbage, searching for pieces of metal they can sell for a few cents. For many, it is the only means of survival.

Naji Al Matrood, teacher with the NGO Solinfo. © Juliette Elie

For several years now, we at SOLINFO have been running psychosocial support workshops for about a hundred children every month. For an hour or two, they can escape their daily lives and simply be children again—no longer worrying about how many scraps of metal they collected or how many Syrian pounds they managed to earn. Under this tent, teacher Naji Al Matrood constantly imagines new ways to capture the children’s attention and restore to them the lightness of their age.

My role as a doctor and the association’s medical coordinator strengthens this support by providing both medical care and preventive action, including hygiene awareness sessions and the distribution of kits containing essential items: toothbrush, toothpaste, soap, nail clippers, and disinfectant solution.

These moments spent with the children also reveal the daily lives of the men and women living in an extremely degraded environment. The dust and the smell permeate everything. The children often arrive barefoot, their clothes dirty or torn. The most common diseases tell their own story: scabies, diarrhea, and malnutrition are almost constant.

We conducted a nutritional survey of one hundred children in the camp, and the results are alarming: more than half show signs of undernutrition—53%, one third of them severely malnourished and two thirds moderately. In concrete terms, this means that most of the children examined are not growing normally: their weight is insufficient for their height or age, which can lead to bone fragility, developmental delays, edema, and greater vulnerability to infections. These data confirm the seriousness of the situation and illustrate the lack of sustainable nutritional programs in the region.

Children of the Sahlat al Banat camp © Juliette Elie

Dangerous Budget Cuts for Relief Efforts

These figures are not an exception; they reflect a broader reality—the humanitarian deadlock in northeastern Syria. Since early 2025, budget restrictions decided by Washington have led to the suspension of many USAID-funded programs. In practice, numerous international NGOs have seen their funding cut by 40%, forcing them to reduce staff and scale down their projects in the region.

On the ground, the consequences are visible: many NGOs have withdrawn, projects have been halted, and staff remain in limbo. Local NGOs are trying to compensate for the absence of international actors, but they lack the logistical and financial means that previously gave strength to the humanitarian apparatus. This paradigm shift now highlights the responsibility of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES), which finds itself alone in front of camps it can neither manage nor close.

In this fragmented humanitarian landscape, Damascus is gradually regaining control, starting with the administrative level: from now on, all UN agencies must submit their project proposals to the Syrian government before any field action. At the same time, international NGOs wishing to collaborate with the United Nations must register with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, an obligatory step to obtain legal authorization to operate. This ministry imposes long, redundant, and sometimes arbitrary procedures.

Local NGOs, for their part, are subject to a similar process: they must obtain registration with the Ministry of Social Affairs, which reviews their statutes and funding sources. This supervision allows the government to filter and channel aid toward the areas it deems a priority.

Despite these constraints, the Health Authority Office (HAO)—the AANES’s health body—tries to maintain a parallel coordination system. Acting as a “Ministry of Health,” it manages hospitals, primary health centers, and coordinates humanitarian activities of both international and local NGOs to best respond to the population’s needs.

Beyond the humanitarian emergency, northeastern Syria has for several months been awaiting negotiations between the new government led by Ahmed Al Charaa and the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria. In early October, several meetings took place, driven by U.S. efforts to maintain a fragile balance between their Kurdish allies and a Syrian regime seeking regional normalization.

Like the Druze and Alawite communities, Kurdish representatives appear to be advocating for a federal modelguaranteeing administrative, cultural, and security autonomy. Damascus, on the other hand, favors the establishment of a centralized state and the integration of the various armed groups.

During my mission, clashes broke out in Aleppo’s Kurdish neighborhoods of Ashrafieh and Sheikh Maqsoud, opposing local units to pro-government factions. On October 8, a ceasefire was negotiated between the two parties, restoring a fragile calm to the city. These episodes reflect the fragility of coexistence between the regime and Kurdish forces and recall the community violence recently inflicted on the Druze and Alawites.

Even within Kurdish circles, opinions diverge. Some express cautious optimism, seeing a chance for recognition or even the promise of a federal state. Others, more disillusioned, fear renewed conflict, the disenchantment of a people exhausted by war. “Talks will never succeed as long as Damascus remains torn both internally and by its foreign sponsors,” says a local official in Qamishli.

Hope for Peace Above All

On the ground, this political stalemate is ever-present and translates into constant security fragility. Roads are closed or blocked by makeshift checkpoints; local partners tell rumors of attacks, kidnappings, and revenge killings—all of which contribute to the population’s sense of insecurity. The fear of the Islamic State still lingers in some villages where sporadic attacks occur.

Yet, we encountered no incidents during our mission. Movements took place without hindrance, and the region remains relatively stable. This observation reveals a fragile stability, where life continues despite everything.

Northeastern Syria today is a humanitarian gray zone, where neither war nor peace truly prevails. International attention has turned elsewhere, cameras have moved on, and displaced populations—now invisible—are rarely mentioned. Yet life here remains marked by extreme precariousness. In Raqqa, the national hospital still stands, supported almost entirely by NGOs. Care is provided free of charge, allowing the population to access a minimal level of healthcare.

Like many humanitarian actors in the region, we work exclusively with local NGOs—the only ones who truly know the realities on the ground. Mustapha, our country director, and Driss, our project manager, embody this quiet resistance and remain committed despite the uncertainty weighing on the current political situation.

I will return soon to continue this modest but essential work for those who have nothing left—except the hope of peace above all.

Juliette Elie.

 

Medical Consultations in Sahlat al Banat

Docteur Juliette ELIE : 

After earning a doctorate in medicine from Université Paris Diderot and a master’s degree in research on inflammation and inflammatory diseases, Dr. Juliette Elie works as an associate practitioner at Necker–Enfants Malades Hospital in Paris.

She currently serves as a volunteer humanitarian doctor within the NGO SOLINFO, chaired by Edouard Lagourgue, where she oversees medical projects, particularly in the fields of nutrition, community health, and support to displaced populations.

Her commitment reflects an approach that combines scientific rigor, field action, and support for local actors to sustainably strengthen health capacities in crisis zones

 

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Humanitarian aid is struggling!

Mohamad-Ali, 2, receives two drops of polio vaccine in Kandahar, southern Afghanistan @ Sayed Maroof Hamdard

Martin Griffiths, the UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator (OCHA /BCAH), said on December 2 in New York that next year, in 2022, 274 million people in the world would need humanitarian assistance and that this would require a budget of 41 billion dollars.

We remember that a year ago, Mark Lowcock, who then occupied the post of Martin Griffiths, had launched an appeal for 235 million people, against 168 million in 2020, for a budget of 35.1 billion dollars according to the Global Humanitarian Overview of OCHA (GHO). In his report, Martin Griffiths acknowledges that the UN was only able to help 107 million victims in 2021 out of 168 million!

So we have not helped all the populations in danger! What happened to the people who were not rescued or were only slightly rescued? Why are we not able to help them? Who is responsible? Is the humanitarian system underfunded or do aid actors lack the necessary capacity, if not the will?

But are assessments of the number of people to be helped relevant? Aid needs are diverse in nature and volume and require a comprehensive but also local and targeted approach. Is this the case? Have we been prevented from accessing certain populations because of war or interdiction?

My purpose here is not to judge, because I know how complex these questions are, but rather to question the humanitarian ecosystem and its financiers so that the means meet vital needs as much as possible, since the raison d’être of humanitarian aid is to save lives, not to leave anyone behind and to anticipate the relaunch of development.

Among the countries in major crisis, there are these: Syria, Yemen, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Myanmar, Afghanistan, which today illustrates our concern and our call for a surge.

Afghanistan is on the brink of collapse.

Afghanistan (2020) @Omid-Fazel / UNICEF

According to a November 8 report by the World Food Programme (WFP) and the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), more than half of the Afghan population, 22.8 million out of 38 million Afghans, are now facing acute food insecurity.

Already in October, the UN declared that more than three million children under the age of 5 were facing malnutrition and UNICEF warned in September that, without immediate treatment, one million children were at risk of dying of malnutrition. Yes, you read that right, one million children are in danger of dying!

On August 15, all the world’s media focused on the Kabul airport for weeks, where are they today? There was a lot of talk about human rights then, so why isn’t it being talked about now? Are human rights not also the right to food, water, health care and shelter? Are human rights subject to political preconditions decided by whom and for what?

We cannot say that we do not know.

And yet, we can’t say we don’t know when David Beasley, the executive director of the WFP, said on the BBC on November 8: “This is as bad as you can imagine. In fact, we are now witnessing the worst humanitarian crisis on earth. As many as 95% of people do not have enough food.

At a UN conference for Afghanistan on September 13 in Geneva, it was estimated that emergency humanitarian aid needed $606 million by the end of the year to meet the basic needs of 11 million Afghans. And Paris had announced to contribute up to 100 million euros according to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jean-Yves Le Drian.

Antonio Gueterres, Secretary General of the United Nations, said: “Let’s be clear: this conference is not just about what we are going to give to the Afghan people. It is about what we must.

WFP to negotiate passage for food aid through Afghanistan. @WFP / Massoud Hossaini.

Three months later, we see that the number of Afghans to be helped has risen from 11 million to 22.8 million. This gives a dizzying idea of the race against the worst. So, has the $606 million been raised and is it being used to save lives? How do we supplement these funds when the number of Afghans at risk has doubled in three months? As David Beasley says, “Hunger is growing and children are dying.

It is a death struggle against time that is engaged. Afghans are victims of the combined effects of drought, long years of conflict and their consequences, of the covid-19 and of the economic crisis that has been raging since August. Will the question of the responsibility of the international community, of the UN, of NATO eventually arise?

According to the testimonies of humanitarians I contacted in Afghanistan and in Paris: “There is currently no hindrance or interference with our humanitarian action and the improved security conditions allow us to make trips that were not possible before. Other humanitarians testify: “The main constraints are the international sanctions, the paralysis of the banking system and the difficulties of access to the country.

Preventing rather than counting victims.

Recently back from Afghanistan, the director of operations of the ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross), Dominique Stillhart, published a lucid and courageous op-ed in which he wrote “Why the anger? Because there is nothing inevitable about this suffering. The economic sanctions that are supposed to punish those in power in Kabul only deprive millions of Afghans of the essential goods and services they need to survive. The international community is turning its back on the country while it runs into a man-made catastrophe.

Preventing humanitarian catastrophe is the top priority and for that the international community must change its posture. In the latest Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) report published by WFP and FAO, it is stated that during the lean season, from November 2021 to March 2022, more than one in two Afghans will be acutely food insecure. Everyone is warned.

What a responsibility for the international community.

Reacting is urgent to prevent the humanitarian catastrophe that is now underway as the harsh winter will isolate much of the country and millions of people, especially farmers. As Mr. Qu Donggyu, Director General of the FAO, said: “We cannot stand by and watch the humanitarian disaster that is happening before our eyes, it is unacceptable.

WFP trucks deliver food to remote and hard-to-reach areas in northeastern Badakhshan province before roads were blocked by snow @PAM Afghanistan

It was Martin Griffiths who gave an estimate of the financial means needed to face this major humanitarian crisis when he declared at the United Nations on December 2 that “the world’s largest humanitarian appeal of $4.47 billion is for Afghanistan, closely followed by appeals in Syria and Yemen.

My experience in Afghanistan has taught me that there are two mistakes not to make. The first is not to abandon this country as was the case after the withdrawal of Soviet troops in February 1989, then in 1992 when the Afghan resistance took over Kabul from the communist regime. We have seen the consequences. The second mistake is to corner the Afghans at the risk of contributing to their radicalization and to end up making alliances that have made them unhappy, like ours with Al Qaeda.

It is the role of diplomacy to avoid the worst by finding the necessary compromises acceptable to all, knowing that it will not be easy. But we are not going to start a war again!

In the meantime, as the European Union rightly says, referring in particular to humanitarian aid, “Dialogue does not imply recognition of the Taliban government.

Finally, the international community, especially the Westerners, should not be accused of having let famine kill Afghans on a massive scale. Nor should Afghanistan become a sort of cold war between two sides as it was during the Soviet occupation. No one has the right to play the sorcerer’s apprentice with so many lives in danger of being lost. In the face of human suffering, the only answer is solidarity.

Alain Boinet.

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