Once upon a time in Vakaga…

© Salomée Languille – Map “TGH’s action in Central African Republic : intervening in the isolated and marginal region of Vakaga” (23rd of June, 2026)

One of those hostile regions that we describe, in our jargon, as a “volatile” environment. Located at the border of Sudan, South Sudan, and Chad, this prefecture in the northeastern Central African Republic has been home for nearly 20 years to a group of dedicated workers known as Triangle Génération Humanitaire*…

It all began in 2007, during the Darfur crisis. TGH established its first operational base in the Central African Republic near the Grand Market in Birao (the prefecture’s capital) to assist Sudanese refugees. Political instability rages across the country, and Vakaga—though a thousand kilometers from the capital—is shaken by the shifting alliances of armed groups and successive coup attempts. Neglected by the central government, Vakaga is sinking into a state of stagnation, with its population falling victim to human rights violations on a daily basis. In 2019, clashes between the FPRC (Popular Front for the Rebirth of the Central African Republic) and the MLCJ (Movement of Central African Liberators for Justice) took on the guise of an “ethnic war” (Rounga, Haoussa, and Goula ethnic groups versus the predominantly Kara ethnic group): abuses multiplied, plunging the population into an unprecedented humanitarian crisis. The TGH base was not spared from looting. Humanitarian access has deteriorated along major routes and in cities alike, but TGH persists—despite the rain and unpredictable security conditions—to provide assistance to the most isolated and vulnerable people. The team will remain in tents for two years to support the emergency response for internally displaced persons. It was during this time that TGH earned the trust of the local population and authorities; this same acceptance now allows the organization to actively involve communities in all its projects, advocate with local, municipal, and prefectural authorities, and achieve results for the area’s development.

© Triangle Génération Humanitaire – Sudanese refugees in the Korsi camp in Birao

A colleague recalls: “We persevered in a spirit of camaraderie because we were passionate about what we did. And there was a touch of madness, too! The Birao field office is still driven by that passion for our work today.”

Twenty years later, the TGH base in Birao is still going strong, thanks to a team dedicated to the human cause, committed to its mission, and capable of adapting its practices and techniques to improve the living conditions of the host population, as well as displaced persons and Sudanese refugees (crises come one after another, yet no two are alike…).

Since 2021, walls and roofs have provided shelter for these workers operating in extreme conditions, who are always ready to go above and beyond to meet urgent humanitarian needs. Traveling along the main routes is not without risk… Delivering aid is a daily challenge in both the dry and rainy seasons.

© Triangle Génération Humanitaire – Pick-up of TGH teams crossing  Vakaga’s sandy roads

And yet, this area of operation perfectly illustrates the adaptive, multisectoral approach that the NGO strives to implement across all the fields where it operates (12 countries): a community-based approach, made possible by pooling expertise within its teams and those of its local partners, in support of parastatal organizations. Addressing emergency needs as well as those during the recovery and development phases (short-, medium-, and long-term), and offering a comprehensive range of complementary activities in the areas of education, protection, food security and livelihoods, and water, hygiene, and sanitation—all while preserving social cohesion—will pave the way for the actions taken to have the greatest possible impact. Despite current budget cuts, TGH, with the help of loyal donors, is able to work toward this comprehensive approach in an area where all indicators of public services are in the red.

© Corentin Vacheret – TGH Food Distribution Alimentaire in Birao to Sudanese refugees

In this challenging context, TGH is striving to prioritize its response. Many needs remain unmet, and it takes patience and ingenuity to overcome the obstacles encountered along the way.

Thus, as pressure on existing services becomes unsustainable amid new influxes of displaced persons and refugees, food security is threatened, social cohesion is unstable due to a lack of fodder for transhumant herders, and seeds and vaccines are running short, government procurement negotiations and seed laboratories emerge to secure relationships as well as a minimal food supply that is at risk.

© Corentin Vacheret – TGH Emergency aid in Birao to Sudanese refugees

Vakaga, the Central African gateway to the Sahel, is the driest prefecture in the CAR. Geographical isolation, compounded by unsafe roads, results in the country’s lowest rates of water and sanitation coverage. The influx of refugees puts pressure on chronically inadequate infrastructure, leading to conflicts over resource use and communal tensions. When no efficient drilling alternative is available locally and an epidemiological risk looms, TGH transports a drilling rig from Europe to meet the drinking water needs of the local population. This invaluable tool, used by TGH’s WASH experts but also made available to all stakeholders working toward this cause, will improve sanitary conditions in the towns and villages of Vakaga.

© Triangle Génération Humanitaire – WASH water tower installed in the Korsi neighborhood of Birao to accommodate Sudanese refugees

Until now, only a handful of humanitarian workers had ventured along the dirt roads in the northeastern part of this region. It was rare to encounter anyone on the roads of Birao, Ouandja, Terfel, Ganai, or Boromata.

After 18 years in the shadows, Vakaga is now in the spotlight. A forgotten land has become a sought-after destination… Organizations are flocking to the region as funding looms on the horizon amid a regional crisis. Reinforcements are needed, and the shift is already underway: the time has come for pooling resources, coordinating actions that combine expertise, and establishing a joint organizational framework that optimizes resources to continue strengthening coherence among actors in humanitarian aid, development, and peacebuilding.

© Triangle Génération Humanitaire – Drill set by the NGO in Birao

The origins of TGH lie in Vakaga.

The journal publishing these few words will certainly not disagree with me: this world of 10 billion people is full of humanitarian challenges. The TGH team in the Central African Republic has existed since its inception to tackle these challenges, and it is with respect that we pay tribute to them.

Magali Ratajczak.


Magali Ratajczak

Magali Ratajczak starter her humanitarian career as an HR Coordinator in the African Central Republic. TGH opened for her the doors of the Operations world, where she then evolved in Central and North Africa, Europe and Asia. She is now one out of three geographic directors at the headquarters of Triangle Génération Humanitaire in Lyon.


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Lebanon, Gaza, Iran, and now what ?

A personal interview with Antoine Basbous, Director of the Arab Countries Observatory and partner at Forward Global.

International conference in support of the people and sovereignty of Lebanon, Paris – 24/10/2024. © Philemon Henry / SIPA for MEAE

An international conference in support of the people and sovereignty of Lebanon was held in Paris on Thursday 24 October. What can we make of its outcome and the humanitarian situation?

This conference, convened by Paris, was useful and showed that Lebanon could still count on France’s friendship, which is deeply rooted in its history. But the success of the emergency humanitarian aid cannot mask the geopolitical reality. The keystone of peace in Lebanon lies rather in three decisive calls that have not been acted upon: the election of a President of the Republic, the first cornerstone of the institutions, and above all the handing over by Hezbollah of its arsenal to the Lebanese army and the call for a ceasefire so that Security Council Resolution 17 01 can finally be applied.

The conference could have produced a solemn appeal for the disarmament of the Party of God, co-signed by the Lebanese delegation which included ministers representing this militia. In 1988, Ayatollah Khomeini did call for a ceasefire with Iraq, declaring that he was ‘drinking the cup of poison’ to stop the destruction of his country.

Hezbollah demonstration in Lebanon

What are Israel’s objectives in Lebanon, and what consequences could the war between Hezbollah and Israel have for the communal and political balance in Lebanon?

Tel Aviv says it wants to eliminate the threat of Hezbollah on its border, which has led 80,000 Israelis to leave their homes since October 2023, when this militia declared war on Israel, without any consultation with Lebanese institutions. All it took was an order from Tehran for the Secretary General of the Party of God, Hassan Nasrallah, to declare war on Israel in the name of ‘unity of fronts’. Hezbollah’s demonstrations of strength and the precedent of the tunnels discovered in 2006, and then in Gaza in 2023, served as justification for very severe action by Israel against the political and military commands and installations of the Party of God.

Nasrallah had boosted the morale of his militia by gratifying it with lofty qualifications such as a chosen people and the ‘noblest community among men’. The brutal decimation of the militia in September came as a shock, a bitterness that carries the risk of revenge on Lebanese civilians. In fact, the Hezbollah militiamen, despite being defeated on the military front, have behaved arrogantly towards those who have received and sheltered them since they were forced to leave their villages and seek refuge within their own country. Some of their actions border on aggression, and risk tipping the country into a confrontation between its constituent parts. For example, some refugees have sought to create faits accomplis on plots of land that do not belong to them or that are being contested in the courts, in order to build permanent structures as soon as they arrive. Obviously, if such behaviour is not curbed by the militia leaders or the Lebanese authorities, it can provoke violent reactions and resurrect the old demons of civil/regional war. For the time being, however, the other communities are not prepared to engage in conflict with Hezbollah militiamen.

Joint air exercise between the Israeli Air Force and the Hellenic Air Force July 2022. © Israel Defence Army

Some people are talking about the risk of a regional conflagration, yet the Iranians seem to have reacted with moderation to the Israeli strikes on their military infrastructure. Is this the fault of the United States, or is it a step in a possible escalation?

The United States has no desire to manage a new conflict in the Middle East after the bitter failures it suffered in Iraq and Afghanistan. Above all, they have no desire to do so in the middle of a presidential election. This is why they have held Israel’s hand by preventing it from taking the lives of Iranian leaders or striking the Islamic Republic’s oil and nuclear facilities. In return, they deployed their THAAD anti-missile system to reassure Israel of their support, and hit the Houthis with B-2s from Missouri to remind the Iranians of the extent of their reach.

While we await satellite images of the damage left on Iranian soil, we can assume that the American instructions were respected by Israel, and that the response was negotiated and scripted to ensure that it did not get too out of hand. Israel even warned Iran of its intention to attack. Tehran had in fact announced that a reasonable attack would not provoke a reaction on its part. For the time being, a form of ‘muscular cohabitation’ has been established at regional level. Iran’s auxiliaries in the Mediterranean are badly damaged, but continue to inflict serious losses on Israel.

Distribution of RTE pracels for IDPs – North and Akkar, 9th of September 2024. ©Solidarités International

Will Iran and its allies Hamas and Hezbollah be the big losers in the war they started? Will the Abraham Accords be back on the agenda? Is there any other solution than the creation of a Palestinian state to establish lasting peace in the region?

The biggest losers will be the Palestinians. The Abraham Accords, which had begun to write off the ‘Sacred Cause’, will return to centre stage and flourish once Tel Aviv has re-established its deterrence on the ground and in the imagination. The Arab states are keen to build a new security architecture that takes account of the (relative) withdrawal of the Americans, which makes the Israelis the key interlocutors in containing Iran’s ambitions.

However, this is counter-productive in the long term, as the best solution for a lasting regional peace remains the creation of a disarmed Palestinian entity (so as not to threaten Israel) whose borders would be protected by the United States and NATO (so as not to be threatened by Israel). Despite everything, this ideal solution is unlikely to see the light of day due to the lack of American will and its massive rejection by the messianic supremacists in the current Israeli government. The latter’s objective is rather to recolonise Gaza and drive the West Bankers from their territory. October 7th only added fuel to their fire, and the lack of action by the United States gives them the opportunity to create faits accomplis to the detriment of the Palestinians.

 

Antoine Basbous is a political scientist and specialist in the Arab-Islamic world and Islamist terrorism

In 1991, he founded the Observatoire des Pays Arabes (OPA) in Paris, which he has headed ever since. This is a fully independent consultancy specialising in North Africa, the Middle East, the Gulf and the Islamic world in general. In 2021, OPA joined the Forward Global group, which specialises in risk management, economic intelligence, cyber, crisis communication, etc.

Antoine Basbous was born in Lebanon, where he studied law and French literature. In France, he obtained a doctorate in political science and a postgraduate diploma (DEA) in information and communication. He worked as a journalist in Beirut and Paris from 1975 to 1987.

Antoine Basbous has published several essays translated into various languages, including Guerres secrètes au Liban, Editions Gallimard, 1987; L’Islamisme, une révolution avortée? Editions Hachette, 2000; L’Arabie saoudite en question, du wahhabisme à Bin Laden, Editions Perrin, 2002. In September 2004, an updated version of the latter work was published in paperback by Tempus under the title L’Arabie saoudite en guerre ; Le tsunami arabe, Editions Fayard, 2011.

He is consulted by major companies, governments and courts in Europe and North America, and regularly takes part in debates on the crises shaking the Arab and Islamic worlds, on terrorism and on the relationship between Islam and the West.

 

Discover Antoine Basbous’ former interview in October 2021: The Middle East on fire. – Humanitarian challenges

MEAE text on the International Conference in Support of the People and Sovereignty of Lebanon (Paris, 24 October 2024) : International Conference in Support of the People and Sovereignty of Lebanon (Paris, 24.10.24) – Ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères * (in French)

Text from the Elysée on the international conference in support of the people and sovereignty of Lebanon (Paris, 24 October 2024) : International Conference in Support of the People and Sovereignty of Lebanon – Elysée Palace

United Nations resolution 1701 on Lebanon

 

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