East North Syria, danger !

Interview with Patrice Franceschi

Jean-Michel Banquer, former French Minister of Education, with Patrice Franceschi, Khaled Issa and commanders of Christian units of the Syrian Democratic Forces in northeast Syria.

Alain Boinet: Patrice, you’ve just returned from another trip to Northeast Syria. What is the current situation and what are the main issues?

Patrice Franceschi: The situation of the Syrian Democratic Forces – an alliance of Kurds, Christians and anti-Islamist Arabs from the north and east of Syria – is more precarious than ever, unless we deny it. Since the partial abandonment of the Kurds by us Westerners in October 2019 and the subsequent Turkish invasion, the gains of the victorious military campaign against Daech between autumn 2014 and summer 2019 have largely been lost. The then-liberated and unified region – four times the size of Lebanon – has become a shifting mosaic where Russian, American, French, Syrian and Turkish forces intersect, with a growing resurgence of Daech sleeper cells. In short, a big mess, to put it bluntly, instead of a territory totally at peace, as it still was in September 2019…

The Turks are maneuvering everywhere to destabilize the region, advance their pawns and conquer as much territory as possible with the help of their Islamist auxiliaries. The latter are either Syrian mercenaries or Daech jihadists recycled under other names. The Kurds thus face a considerable number of challenges: the “water war” waged by the Turks, who regulate the dams on the Euphrates for their own benefit in order to starve the populations of northern Syria by reducing agricultural production, the regular “droning” of Kurdish civilian and military leaders whenever they move, indiscriminate bombing in the countryside by the Turkish air force, The same applies to specific civilian targets – flour mills, grain silos, power plants, schools, hospitals – an ever-tightening blockade of the tiny border crossing to Iraqi Kurdistan, to reduce the country’s economy to nothing, maneuvers by Turkish and Iranian secret services to incite the Arab tribes of the FDS to rebel, etc. .. The list goes on.

Since June 2021, Turkey has reduced the amount of water in the Euphrates for Syria from 500 m3 second to 214m3 by holding back this water in its upstream dams.

It’s been a long time since I’ve heard Turkish long-range artillery strike at random to terrorize the population. Now it’s a regular occurrence. Especially at night. The town of Amuda, where I regularly stay, has for the first time been deprived of street lighting by the destruction of its power station. Life is becoming very hard and uncertain for the Kurds, Christians and Arabs of the region. This undermines their unity and the confidence they have in their leaders – which is what Ankara is aiming for, as it increases its aggressiveness in proportion to our passivity.

I have also seen for myself that the Turks – and the Iranians, which is new – no longer hesitate to use their drones to bomb the Kurdish forces based in the American camps around Hassaké. This has never happened before. It should be noted that when these bombardments hit camps for displaced Kurds, Western NGOs decide to stop their work and leave the camps, which makes the situation even worse.

As far as the political stakes are concerned, they haven’t changed: the security interests of the Kurds and the West, particularly the French, are as intimately linked as ever in the face of the resurgence of the Turkish-backed Islamic State. These Islamists dream of hitting us again, and as hard as possible. At least, that’s what the hardest jihadist prisoners are saying. At least the Kurds are still willing to keep them at home. It’s up to us to increase our support for the FDS before it’s too late.

Alain Boinet: Jean-Michel Blanquer, the former Minister of Education, accompanied you. What is the significance of his presence with you in north-eastern Syria?

Patrice Franceschi : For months, I had been proposing to a number of prominent French personalities that they accompany me to Syrian Kurdistan, so that I could see the situation at first hand, and then intervene in their sphere of activity to support the Kurds. In the end, all these personalities declined, except Jean-Michel Blanquer. So the three of us left, along with Khaled Issa, the representative in France of the self-administration of northern and eastern Syria – as the region is now called… And since the former minister was going there on his own initiative, the President of the Republic entrusted him with a message of support for the FDS – which we of course passed on to the region’s political and military leaders. Let’s hope that these words will now be followed by deeds.

Along the road to Amuda, abandoned buildings under construction. @Alain Boinet

Alain Boinet: Kurds seem to be under threat in every country in the region. How do you interpret this? Is it a coincidence?

Patrice Franceschi: There’s no such thing as a coincidence. What the Kurds are proposing as a model of society where they have control of a territory, especially in northern Syria, is unbearable for the region’s satraps: democracy, equality between men and women, secularism, respect for minorities… all this is a nightmare for these regimes, from Damascus to Ankara and from Baghdad to Teheran. They fear contagion of this model at home, and are doing everything in their power to destroy it. What’s more, these despots are driven by an ontological contempt for the Kurds, whom they regard and treat everywhere as subhuman, so you can imagine the hatred they harbor.

Alain Boinet: Is the war between Israel and Hamas changing the regional balance? What are the consequences for the FDS? What is the new strategic challenge?

Patrice Franceschi : For the time being, there are no visible consequences. But it’s probably too early to draw any conclusions. Kurdish officials simply note that it is mainly the Iranians who are maneuvering. The Hamas attack on Israel was coordinated with the revolt against the FDS by the Arab tribes of Der-es-Zor on the Euphrates. Iranian intelligence was behind this large-scale revolt. The Kurds discovered this involvement once the revolt had been put down, thanks to the loyalty of the majority of the Arab members of the FDS.

When these same Kurdish leaders observe, moreover, that Erdogan supports Hamas after having supported the Azeris against the Armenians, they say to themselves that the outposts of democracy in the East – in their eyes: Armenia, Kurdistan, Israel – do indeed have the same enemies who are coordinating their efforts in the same timetable to make them all disappear. In their view, it’s time to forge new alliances between these three “indigenous” nations to face up to this challenge.

Alain Boinet: How would you like to conclude this interview?

Patrice Franceschi : The most important thing is to realize that these three conflicts are interconnected, that to be effective we can’t privilege one at the expense of the others, and that we need to fight on all three fronts together. This is what the Kurdish leaders think, and I can only agree with them. Of course, this battle goes beyond humanitarian action, unfortunately, and is being fought on political and military levels alone.

Patrice Franceschi

Writer and humanitarian

Corsican adventurer, political philosopher and French writer – winner of the 2015 Goncourt short story prize – Patrice Franceschi is also an aviator and sailor. He has always divided his life between writing and adventure. He has multiplied his land, air and sea expeditions around the world. He has also led numerous humanitarian missions in war-torn countries, from Bosnia to Somalia, lived among the indigenous peoples of the most remote regions – Papuans, Indians, Pygmies, Nilotics – and spent many years in the ranks of the Afghan resistance fighting the Soviet army. He has also been an active supporter of the Syrian Kurds on the ground since the start of their fight against the Islamic State. His novels, stories, poetry and essays are inseparable from a committed, free and tumultuous existence in which he attempts to “exhaust the field of the possible”. A reserve officer, he also belongs to the prestigious group of naval writers.

 

Find Patrice Franceschi on Défis Humanitaires :

Humanitarian facing war in Gaza

Yes, we must call for respect for International Humanitarian Law

No, there must be no blind spots in our discourse.

An article by Pierre Brunet

Palestinians search through the rubble of their homes destroyed by Israeli strikes in the northern Gaza Strip. UN Photo: Shareef Sarhan 07-08-2014

The events in Gaza, following the terrorist attack perpetrated by Hamas on Israeli soil on October 7, mark a turning point in what might be called “humanitarian discourse”. Let’s recall the facts: on October 7, within the borders of the State of Israel, terrorist attacks of unprecedented barbarity and cruelty were committed, resulting in the death in atrocious conditions of over 1,200 men, women and children, and the kidnapping of almost 240 hostages. These constitute unjustifiable crimes against humanity. In addition, on October 7, Hamas fired over 3,000 rockets at towns in Israel. These attacks prompted an Israeli response in the form of a military operation in the Gaza Strip. The operation was legitimate in principle, for what state in the world would stand idly by after such actions? Israel has the right to defend itself, like any other country.

Without October 7, the Israeli army would not have launched an offensive in Gaza to wipe out the Hamas military apparatus. This reminder is essential, given the impression that, in the face of humanitarian discourse in the broadest sense of the term (NGOs, UN…), Israeli leaders would have taken the decision, suddenly and without reason, to enter this territory to sow death and destruction. This is not the case, and humanitarians know it.

Why, then, does their often legitimate discourse seem so hemiplegic? And why does this discourse show minimal empathy towards the Israeli victims of October 7, as well as towards the fate of the hostages? Why do some human rights NGOs, or some association sans frontières, refuse to call Hamas what it is: a terrorist organization? Why are organizations and groups fighting violence against women silent in the face of the crimes inflicted on women and girls on October 7? Because they are Israeli? On the other hand – and not without reason, since the situation of the people of Gaza is terrible – we are witnessing absolute empathy for them, and constant denunciation of the “war crimes” committed by Tsahal…. Without ever mentioning Hamas’s heavy share of responsibility for the tragedy suffered by the Gazans. Are humanitarians, who claim to be neutral and impartial, subject to their “blind spot” in the Palestinian context?
This is an important question.

In a world of fake news and manipulation, we “humanitarians” are still considered to be “telling the truth”. If we keep quiet about Hamas’s share of responsibility, the general public, who are rarely specialists in the field, think it’s negligible. But is it?

Humanitarian aid in Gaza, November 28, 2023 Photo credits: Twitter @UNRWA

Before giving an answer, let’s say that NGOs, the UN and humanitarian organizations are doing their part by demanding that Israel respect International Humanitarian Law (IHL). Let’s not forget that the first massive violation of IHL in the current episode was the attack on October 7… Israel’s blockade (at the start of operations) of fuel, electricity, water supplies, etc., was contrary to IHL and unacceptable, was contrary to IHL and unacceptable, as were strikes such as that which targeted an MSF evacuation convoy on November 18, killing and wounding one of the NGO’s Palestinian staff, or that of November 21 against the Al-Awda hospital, which killed three doctors, two of them working for MSF. Last but not least, the violence of the air strikes on the Gaza Strip has resulted in an appallingly high number of civilian casualties, which we are right to denounce. But does this mean that the UN and NGOs should adopt, without caution, the figures presented by the Hamas Ministry of Health, which has a vested interest in ensuring that these figures are as high as possible?

This brings us to the question of Hamas’s responsibility, a blind spot in humanitarian discourse. This responsibility is systematically ignored. In French, the verb “ignorer” has two meanings: the first means not to know, the second to pretend not to know. It’s hard to believe that NGOs, especially those operating in Gaza, don’t know. So why have they chosen to put on blinkers, and first of all, what is it that they don’t want to talk about? A few reminders, among others:

  • Hamas deliberately uses the Gazan population as human shields, preventing them as much as possible from leaving the combat zones (roadblocks, shooting) and thus increasing the number of civilian casualties.
  • Hamas uses mosques, schools, kindergartens, etc. as centers of military activity and weapons storage, as well as hospitals (which is contrary to IHL). Hamas also uses ambulances to transport its fighters and leaders.
  • Hamas has carried out massive thefts of fuel (used for its tunnels and rockets), notably from the UN, resulting in a shortage that prevents the operation of the seawater desalination plant, pumps, the power station or generators and vital hospital equipment. Hamas is also diverting electricity from hospitals to its tunnels.
  • Hamas claims to ensure that Palestinian civilian casualties are kept to a minimum, as evidenced by the recent statement by Ismaël Haniyeh, head of the Hamas Political Bureau: “… We need the blood of (Palestinian) women, children and the elderly to awaken in us the spirit of our revolution...”.
  • Hamas openly declares that it has no concern whatsoever for the protection of the Gaza population under its control, as demonstrated by the recent statement made by Mousa Abu Marzouk, a member of the Hamas Political Bureau, to a journalist: “...The fate of the Gazan people is not our responsibility, they are refugees, it is up to the UN to take care of them…“.

On November 12, the European Union condemned “Hamas’s use of hospitals and civilians as human shields” in the Gaza Strip.

The General Assembly adopts a resolution on “the protection of civilians and respect for legal and humanitarian obligations”. It was adopted by recorded vote with 120 votes in favor, 14 against and 45 abstentions. October 30, 2023, photo credits: UN Info

Hamas thus bears a grave responsibility for the suffering and shortages experienced by the population of Gaza. Acknowledging this reality may be uncomfortable in terms of security for NGOs operating there. But does this mean we should be complacent towards Hamas? Similarly, if we are rightly concerned about the fate of people caught in the crossfire, why should we oppose the Israeli army’s instructions to the Gazan population to move southwards in order to minimize civilian casualties? Isn’t this inconsistent and contradictory? You can’t accuse Israel of causing too many civilian casualties and at the same time accuse it of trying to avoid them. After all, it’s not a question of “forced displacement” as we too often read, but of appeals to leave combat zones.

Finally, the term “occupied territory”, commonly used by NGOs to designate Gaza, means that we must remember that Gaza was evacuated by Israel in September 2005… And Hamas took (bloody) control of the territory in 2007.

This is not to absolve Israel of its faults elsewhere: the illegal Israeli colonization of the West Bank and the attacks carried out there by settlers against the Palestinian population, with many Palestinians killed, are criminal and must stop. But the settlers’ crimes in the West Bank, which must be condemned, cannot justify October 7, which is of a different nature.

Beyond October 7th and the war in Gaza, it seems to me that there are two fundamentals. Israel has the right to exist in security within its borders. The Palestinians have the right to a viable state.

In conclusion, I’d like to say to my humanitarian friends: yes to denouncing the unacceptable number of civilian casualties, yes to demanding respect for IHL and humanitarian access to populations caught up in the war in Gaza, but let’s avoid cultivating a blind spot in our discourse on the situation. To do so is to play into the hands of Hamas, a terrorist organization guilty of monstrous crimes, which considers the Gazan population to be expendable material, and whose stated aim is the disappearance of a UN member state. Is this the role of humanitarian organizations?

As I write these lines, a truce allowing the exchange of 50 Hamas hostages for 150 Palestinian prisoners in Israel, and the delivery of humanitarian aid to Gaza, is underway with 69 hostages already freed and several hundred aid trucks arriving (reminder: more than 2,000 trucks have entered Gaza since the start of the war…). Hope in the midst of a merciless war.

 

The author of this article wishes to make it clear that his comments are his own and are intended as a contribution to the debate on International Humanitarian Law.

 

Pierre Brunet

Writer and humanitarian

Pierre Brunet is a novelist and member of the Board of Directors of the NGO SOLIDARITES INTERNATIONAL. He became involved in humanitarian work in Rwanda in 1994, then in Bosnia in 1995, and has since returned to the field (Afghanistan in 2003, Calais Jungle in 2016, migrant camps in Greece and Macedonia in 2016, Iraq and North-East Syria in 2019, Ukraine in 2023). Pierre Brunet’s novels are published by Calmann-Lévy: “Barnum” in 2006, “JAB” in 2008, “Fenicia” in 2014 and “Le triangle d’incertitude” in 2017. A former journalist, Pierre Brunet regularly publishes analytical articles, opinion pieces and columns.

Read more of Pierre Brunet’s articles on Défis humanitaire :

Ukraine: a destroyed dam and a humanitarian partnership response

Sudan, the generals’ war

Ukraine: one year after the invasion began, the humanitarian system faced with its contradictions…

Opinion column by Pierre Brunet – The construction of disaster?