Faced with the sudden suspension of funding from USAID and the knock-on effect of other donors, French humanitarian NGOs find themselves in a state of disarray. What if this upheaval, rather than a simple accident, revealed the need for a far-reaching strategic change?
The sudden suspension of strategic funding, particularly from long-standing donors such as USAID, has destabilised the heart of the humanitarian system. In the space of a few weeks, the main players in the humanitarian field – emergency relief and development aid – have seen vital programmes halted, missions scaled back, local teams weakened and community partners left without support.
This is not just a crisis of resources. It is the collapse of a balance that was thought to be stable. Humanitarian NGOs, which for years had been structured around relatively predictable institutional circuits, are suddenly faced with the brutal disappearance of whole sections of their funding.
For a long time, these donors – whether public or private institutions – ensured the continuity of a system based on a form of implicit delegation: entrusting NGOs with the task of repairing, filling in, making up. Year after year, they structured an economy of reparation, in which the NGOs became the operators of a permanent relief to disorders considered as lasting. The model seemed functional, balanced and even resilient. But it was based on a fragile principle: that of budgetary stability, which was thought to be guaranteed.
Now this paradigm is collapsing. The rise of a new international order, geopolitical polarisation, massive national indebtedness and the reorientation of public priorities are upsetting the balance. Against this backdrop, international solidarity – long held to be a universal moral duty – seems to be relegated to the status of an adjustment variable. And with it, the fate of millions of underprivileged people is in danger of being written off. Millions will die, big deal!
This is no mere cyclical accident. This is a historic shift. A cataclysm whose lasting effects are calling into question the very foundations on which modern humanitarian action was based.
In this moment of upheaval, one image stands out – that of a familiar place where people went every day to find sustenance, legitimacy and energy. A stable place. And then one day, that place is empty. You go back. You wait. You doubt. This place was a base, almost a given. Now it’s not.
Chaos as catharsis
Over the last four decades, the architecture of international humanitarian funding has enabled the construction of complex, interconnected programmes of great technical efficiency. But this same architecture is proving vulnerable. Too centralised. Too dependent on a small number of donors. Sometimes too remote from local dynamics.
The shockwave affects everything: partners in the field, beneficiary communities, but also the NGOs themselves in their most intimate aspects – their mission, their relationship with the world, their economic model.
Suddenly, a question runs through all the boards of directors: have we naively believed too much in the permanence of a system that lives only on predation, inequality and abysmal debts?
Time to be resilient, combative and inventive
There’s a little book that’s often quoted in the business world, sometimes mocked, but whose simplicity conceals a disturbing truth. Spencer Johnson’s Who Stole My Cheese features four characters in a maze. Every day, they find cheese in the same place. Until one day, the cheese is no longer there.
What sets the characters apart is not their intelligence, but their ability to understand that the world has changed – and to move with it. No longer clinging to an empty place, but exploring new avenues, getting out of the wait, unlearning certainties.
Today’s NGOs are exactly at that point. The source of their funding, their recognition and their role models has dried up. The temptation to wait, to complain, to be nostalgic is understandable. But it is dangerous.
Humanitarian aid was not born of predictability. It was born out of disorder, out of urgency, out of a desire to act where structures were lacking. The strength of NGOs lies in their ability to read the cracks, to create in the midst of uncertainty, to build without a map.
This capacity still exists today. But we have to make the most of it:
By diversifying resources beyond traditional public funding sources: towards foundations, committed businesses, local authorities and citizens themselves.
By becoming more locally based, not by subcontracting, but by co-piloting with local players. This is what most of them are already doing.
By streamlining our systems, relying on cooperation, pooling and regional alliances.
By taking a strong stand in a world where humanitarian action is becoming a political issue: an independent, constructive, universal stand.
And afterwards? Because there is always an aftermath
The ‘cheese’ has disappeared. But perhaps, on closer inspection, this disappearance is more than just an inflection point? The real resource, the one that will keep us going over the long term, is perhaps to be found elsewhere: in agility, in the human link, in the ability to bounce back and get back on track.
NGOs don’t need a fixed model to be useful. They need movement, collective intelligence, and a direction: that of shared humanity.
Antoine Vaccaro
Antoine Vaccaro. Holder of a PhD in Organizational Sciences – Management of Non-Market Economies from Paris-Dauphine.
After a career in major non-governmental organizations and communications groups (Fondation de France, Médecins du Monde, TBWA), he went on to chair Force For Good, Cerphi (Centre d’étude et de recherche sur la philanthropie) and a number of associations.
He holds a number of directorships in associations.
He is also co-founder of several professional bodies promoting private funding of public-interest causes: Association Française des fundraisers, Euconsult and La chaire de Philanthropie de l’Essec, and co-editor of the Charte de déontologie des organisations faisant appel à la générosité publique.
He has published several books and articles on philanthropy and fundraising.
I invite you to read these interviews and articles published in the edition :
Photo of PUI during a visit to Syria in January 2025
December 2024. The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, after fourteen years of war, marks a major turning point for Syria. Power collapsed in a matter of days under the assault of rebel forces led by the Hayat Tahrir al-Cham (HTC) group, leaving the way open for an uncertain political transition. The establishment of an interim government, led by Ahmad al-Sharaa (Abu Mohammed al-Joulani), and the adoption of a provisional constitution in March 2025 are seen as steps forward, but they are not enough to meet the country’s immediate challenges: political instability, community and sectarian tensions, a lasting humanitarian crisis and large-scale reconstruction.
Syrians celebrated the end of the regime, but woke up a month later to an unchanged reality: a country in ruins, with no resources, and an uncertain future,’ observes Charlotte Baudoin, of the NGO Première Urgence Internationale.
On 30 March, Ahmad al-Sharaa, the interim president, announced a new Syrian transitional government composed mainly of his loyalists but including 4 ministers from minorities, a Christian, a Druze, an Alawite and a Kurd among its 23 members. The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (editor’s note: autonomous Syrian Kurdish authority) declared that this government did not reflect the diversity and plurality of the country and that it was therefore not concerned by the government’s decisions! It should also be remembered that Ahmad al-Sharaa has full legislative, executive and judicial powers, and that he chairs the ‘National Security Council’, considered by some to be the country’s real government. The future will tell whether the promise of a representative, unitary government that respects minorities has been kept or not. That is the challenge after 14 years of war.
In this context, humanitarian action is more necessary than ever, but its new framework for intervention is still unclear. Some had hoped that the end of the regime would facilitate access to relief supplies. However, as Thomas Janny of the NGO Solidarités International points out, guaranteed access has not yet been achieved and humanitarian space remains restricted.
To analyse the humanitarian challenges ahead, this article draws on two complementary accounts. Thomas Janny, Regional Director for the Middle East at Solidarités International, and Olivier Routeau, Director of Operations and Charlotte Baudoin, Country Director for Syria at the NGO Première Urgence Internationale (PUI). Before the fall of the regime, Solidarités International was working in rebel-controlled areas (in the north-east and north-west of the country), while Première Urgence Internationale was working in regime-controlled areas, in 10 of the country’s 14 governorates.
Between the reorganisation of the humanitarian sector, reduced funding and strong political and geopolitical tensions, post-Assad Syria raises many questions about the future of aid and the conditions under which it is delivered.
A Blitzkrieg with uncertain consequences
The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime was as sudden as it was unexpected, a veritable Blitzkrieg, as Thomas Janny puts it. In the space of ten days, HTS forces, supported by numerous other militias, took control of the capital, causing the total collapse of a regime that had held out for fourteen years with the support of Iran and Shiite militias, as well as Russia. This rapid changeover left the country without a functional state structure, with an improvised transitional government and an administration in ruins.
Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa is seeking to stabilise the situation, notably by adopting an interim constitution in March 2025. This constitution guarantees certain fundamental freedoms, notably in terms of expression and women’s rights, but it maintains a powerful executive with few checks and balances. Although there have been declarations aimed at establishing a democratic framework, the foundations remain extremely fragile,’ explains Olivier Routeau of Première Urgence Internationale. The absence of solid structures and the lack of resources are complicating the establishment of a stable state, while the population sees few concrete improvements in their daily lives.
Nor has the collapse of the regime put an end to the violence. In the first few weeks, clashes broke out on the Syrian coast, particularly in Tartous and Latakia, historic bastions of the Alawite community. This violence, which caused more than 1,300 deaths (many of them civilians), rekindled the community and religious tensions that had characterised the Syrian conflict. There is a real danger of widespread reprisals against the Alawites, who are seen as Assad’s historical supporters,’ warns Charlotte Baudoin, from PUI. Many are fleeing to Lebanon, while the new authorities are struggling to impose their control over the security forces, who are implicated in these abuses.
At the same time, Syria remains a battleground for geopolitical rivalries. Turkey, sponsor of the new government, is concerned about the maintenance of Kurdish power in the north-east, and has stepped up its air strikes, targeting areas under the control of the Syrian Democratic Forces (FDS). Israel, for its part, has stepped up its strikes on Syrian military sites. The fall of Assad has not put an end to foreign interests in Syria; on the contrary, it has redistributed the cards,’ analyses Thomas Janny. We might even say that Turkey has replaced Iran in Syria.
In this chaotic context, the reconstruction of the country seems out of reach in the short term. At the Brussels summit on 19 March, international donors pledged $6.5 billion, a limited amount compared with the $400 billion needed for reconstruction. In addition, US sanctions remain in place, hampering the necessary investment and slowing down any attempt at economic recovery. The European Union has lifted some restrictions, notably on the energy sector, but their impact remains limited. Without the lifting of US sanctions, Syrian recovery is impossible’, notes Olivier Routeau.
For the NGOs working on the ground, this transition period represents a major challenge. The end of the regime has turned the organisation of humanitarian aid upside down, raising new questions about access to populations and cooperation with the new authorities. While Syria has immense needs in terms of aid and reconstruction, humanitarian aid workers have to deal with an unstable environment and a future that is still uncertain.
Minorities in Syria: between fragile integration and persistent tensions
The rapid fall of the Assad regime has reshuffled the cards of power in Syria, but it has not put an end to community divisions. While the transitional government claims to want to build an inclusive nation, religious and ethnic tensions are a reality that the new government must resolve. Minorities, historically caught up in the conflict, now find themselves in an uncertain position, between fears of reprisals and promises of integration.
The Alawites, long seen as the mainstay of the Assad regime, are now the most vulnerable. In Tartous and Latakia, atrocities targeted the community from the very first days of the transition, killing more than 1,300 people. The government has condemned the violence, but probably does not have the means to prosecute these crimes,’ observes Charlotte Baudoin of Première Urgence Internationale. Weakened by years of war and impunity, the Syrian judicial system seems incapable of fulfilling its role for the time being.
The Kurds, for their part, gained political recognition with the agreement of 10 March, which provides for the integration of the FDS into the national army. This agreement, which enshrines the place of the Kurds in the new Syria, is nevertheless fragile. Tensions persist between Kurdish units, former jihadists and pro-Turkish mercenaries. It will be difficult to unify these forces under a single structure,’ stresses Charlotte Baudoin. Moreover, this agreement has not prevented Turkey from continuing its strikes in north-eastern Syria, a sign that Damascus’ recognition of the Kurds does not mean an end to the bombing and fighting, which could resume at any time.
For the Druze, the transition raises as many hopes as concerns. Their religious leader, Hikmat al-Hajri, has publicly criticised the new government’s constitutional declaration as being too centralised and unrepresentative of Syria’s diversity. The question of autonomy, granted to them under Assad as part of the ‘Alliance of Minorities’, remains unresolved. In a country where community balances are still unstable, the challenge will be to guarantee a system where each group finds its place without stirring up resentment.
This situation makes access for humanitarian aid particularly delicate. For Solidarités International, which has been operating in areas that were not held by the Assad regime, since the beginning of its work, the displacement of populations and the new humanitarian needs represent a major challenge. During the HTS offensive towards Damascus, our teams on the ground witnessed massive displacements of Kurdish populations towards the north-east, where they had to put in place an emergency response in just a few days’, explains Thomas Janny. PUI, which was initially present in the government zone, is also emphasising the need for reconstruction to include all minorities in order to avoid further fractures.
United Nations (UN). (2025). Humanitarian Response Priorities: January – March 2025 – Syrian Arab Republic. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) [2]Uncertain humanitarian access
Humanitarian needs in Syria
16.5 million people require humanitarian aid.
14.56 million people are food insecure, of whom 9.1 million are classified as acutely food insecure (including 1.3 million in a severe situation).
8 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) since 2011.
823,302 people newly displaced in 2024, of whom 522,600 returned in December alone.
Nearly 6.5 million people have fled Syria since the start of the civil war, including: more than 3 million to Turkey, around 784,000 to Lebanon, more than 705,000 to Germany, and almost 650,000 to Jordan.
Figures from the OCHA 2025 report on humanitarian needs in Syria[1].
Humanitarian aid budget in 2024
In 2024, the United Nations has estimated the aid budget required at 4.07 billion dollars.
At the end of the year, only 1.46 billion dollars (or 35.9%) had been raised.
Humanitarian Action 2024 figures[2]
The fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime has opened up new prospects for humanitarian action in Syria. NGOs have been able to access previously unreachable areas from their respective zones of operation before the overthrow of the regime.
However, this opening has been accompanied by new administrative and logistical constraints. As the legal framework is not yet well defined, the potential implementation of new programmes remains compromised for the time being. According to Thomas Janny, the authorities are still hesitant about the relationship they wish to maintain with international NGOs (INGOs) and the freedom they will be granted. In addition, the security situation remains unstable: bombardments persist in certain regions of the north-east, and further atrocities cannot be ruled out. The humanitarian situation has continued to deteriorate,’ notes Charlotte Baudoin, ’Israeli air strikes have intensified, while ongoing hostilities in the north and south, as well as recent instability and the deteriorating situation in coastal areas, have worsened humanitarian conditions and increased protection concerns.
Another major challenge is the gradual return of refugees, estimated at 125,000 since the fall of the regime. According to the United Nations, nearly 6.5 million people have fled Syria since the start of the civil war, with a further 8 million internally displaced. These returns raise questions about access to basic services for people who return to their villages in ruins after years of exile, and about the capacity of NGOs to respond to new needs. In a context where funding is uncertain and infrastructures are still fragile, humanitarian organisations must find sustainable solutions to support this transition.
The humanitarian sector absolutely must succeed in this first phase of emergency response, to enable Syria to move on to the next stage, that of reconstruction’, explains Olivier Routeau.
Photo of PUI during a visit to Syria in January 2025
International support and financial uncertainties: a delicate balance
The role of the international community is now crucial to Syria’s recovery. Since the fall of the regime, several governments and multilateral organisations have announced plans to support reconstruction, emphasising the need for inclusive development and political stabilisation. The European Union, for example, has reaffirmed its commitment to a peaceful and sustainable transition, while institutions such as the World Bank are beginning to consider recovery projects.
This international support is essential to rehabilitate destroyed infrastructure, support basic services and encourage the return of displaced persons and refugees. Olivier Routeau stresses that without a strong commitment from international donors, local capacities will remain too limited to meet the immense humanitarian and reconstruction needs. This support should enable us to move away from an emergency approach and lay the foundations for more sustainable aid.
However, this dynamic has been disrupted by a reorganisation of humanitarian funding. The sudden freezing of American funds, which via the USAID agency amounted to a total annual budget of 42.8 billion dollars (42% of global humanitarian aid), has created major uncertainty for NGOs on the ground. American aid to Syria represented around a quarter of donations to the humanitarian response plan in 2024, i.e. 377.7 million dollars [3]. The suspension of funding has forced many organisations to drastically reduce their operations or even withdraw from certain areas.
Faced with these restrictions, humanitarian actors are having to reassess their funding strategies, and are looking to diversify their sources. However, this decision by the new Trump administration is part of a more general trend of reduced funding for international aid. Cuts in the Official Development Assistance (ODA) budgets of several European countries, including France, are giving rise to great concern and imposing a very short-term approach.
In this uncertain context, coordination between humanitarian and development aid is essential. We must avoid a humanitarian vacuum that would leave millions of Syrians without support at a critical time’, insists Olivier Routeau. Finally, the lifting of the remaining sanctions appears to be a necessary condition to facilitate economic recovery and enable humanitarian actors to work more effectively on the ground.
An unpredictable future, an essential commitment
As Syria enters a new phase in its history, the humanitarian challenges are immense. While the fall of the regime has opened up certain prospects, it has also left a devastated country, where humanitarian emergencies go hand in hand with the need for reconstruction.
International support will be crucial if another disaster is to be avoided. But with funding falling and instability on the ground, NGOs are struggling to adapt. The lifting of the remaining sanctions, better humanitarian coordination and appropriate funding will be essential to support Syria in the long term, if it is to stabilise and not fall back into conflict.
India Hauteville holds a first Masters degree in International Politics from Sciences Po Bordeaux and is currently studying for a Masters degree in Integration and Change in the Mediterranean and Middle East at Sciences Po Grenoble. She is currently assistant to the founder of Solidarités International, Mr. Alain Boinet.
Particularly interested in the Syrian conflict, she is currently writing a thesis on the articulation between humanitarian principles and the realities on the ground in Syria, using the NGO Solidarités International as a case study.
I invite you to read these interviews and articles published in the edition :
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