Humanitarian Work in Search of a Future

© UN News – Children in Gaza wait to fill their empty saucepans with food

Humanitarian crises are caused by wars, disasters, and epidemics, most often in poor countries. The response to these crises relies first on local community solidarity, followed by assistance from international humanitarian organizations. These, in turn, depend on the response capabilities of humanitarian actors, public and private funding, access to victims, and cooperation among relief actors on the ground.

The sharp decline in public humanitarian funding, geopolitical fragmentation, and the erosion of international humanitarian law are severely impacting relief efforts for victims.

Thus, one of the immediate effects of the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran is to block all trade in the Strait of Hormuz, with multiple global consequences that notably affect the export of fertilizers essential for agriculture, particularly in the poorest countries. This also carries a high risk of triggering a food crisis in the Middle East! This war is spreading to Lebanon, which already has over one million displaced people, including 350,000 children, more than a thousand deaths, and the risk of southern Lebanon being annexed with no possibility of the population returning, as Israel has declared.

This editorial, like every other article from this edition of Défis Humanitaires, aim at providing analysis, testimonies, examples, tools for readers as well as actors of geopolitics, humanitarian work, their partners and parlementaries, journalists, Think Tanks and Faculties, followers and doners who help making possible the publication of Défis Humanitaires.

 

Factors Driving Global Geopolitical Change.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine, the ouster of President Maduro in Venezuela, Donald Trump’s re-election, the U.S.-Israeli attack on Iran, and other threats are upending international relations, risking the very denial of the rule of law.

The return of empires, the symmetrical assertiveness of nation-states, and the emergence of countries in the “Global South” are major contributors to this ongoing dynamic of fragmentation, conflict, and recomposition.

In this context, the president of the world’s leading power, Donald Trump, has as his sole agenda “America Trump First,” which blends both isolationism and interventionism in all global affairs based on the “deal” of power dynamics and interests.

Meeting between heads of states and governements in London to support Volodymyr Zelenky after his altercation with Donald Trump on February 28 at the White House. © European Union, 2025

This aggression will have the opposite effect of radicalizing all parties and situations, as we can see from the increase in defense budgets! Does this make the world any safer, and doesn’t this constant escalation inevitably lead to war in all its forms?

And this does nothing to address, beyond the legitimate interests of each country, the challenges facing all of humanity—challenges that are all sources of collective danger: climate change, melting glaciers, pollution, loss of biodiversity, the drinking water crisis, epidemics, demographics, the criminal economy, the potential proliferation of military nuclear weapons, and so on.

In this new context, the weakening of the UN and of multilateralism equally diminishes the institutions capable of regulation through negotiation.

And yet, we must effectively coordinate the global trade necessary for 8 billion people—who will number 10 billion in 25 years, with Africa’s population set to double! Where are the plans to anticipate this demographic shock? What will be the consequences of our lack of preparation?

 

Strengths, Weaknesses, and Prospects for the Humanitarian Sector.

In a new context where we are witnessing the erosion of international law and where the humanitarian sector is likely to lose half of its public funding, it is useful to take stock of the situation to identify its strengths—so as to optimize them—and its weaknesses—so as to address them—and to explore new avenues and methods yet to be devised.

Without claiming to be exhaustive, these strengths are first and foremost those of commitment and the motivation to act to save lives. They also include responsiveness and pragmatism, as well as professional experience and expertise. There are donor support networks and the coordination of organizations with donors as well as on the ground. Above all, we must not forget the proximity to local populations, public opinion, the media, and government authorities—both in the countries that provide aid and in the countries where it is implemented for populations at risk.

On the downside, we note a lack of strategic foresight, though this is offset, it is true, by a strong capacity for adaptation. We should also highlight the weakness of communication, which is primarily directed at its own staff and which, despite donor support, struggles to break out of its silo and gain broader influence. With a few rare exceptions, NGOs’ business models are either fragile or dependent, lacking significant capacity for investment and renewal.

The mixed Solidarités International-Véolia team around an Aquaforce 2000 in Ukraine. Photo : Veolia Foundation

This brief overview lays the groundwork for a number of initiatives aimed at strengthening our organization while adapting—and even transforming. With this in mind, let us highlight a few potential avenues for progress.

  • Forge new alliances with individual donors, institutional donors, businesses and foundations, the media, research centers, and among humanitarian organizations themselves.
  • Revamp communication by documenting the human consequences of crises with concrete and compelling examples.
  • Better measure the impact of the actions implemented and demonstrate to the public how the resources mobilized improve the lives of populations at risk and save lives, while establishing sustainable responses to essential needs.
  • Show how innovation and pooling of resources enable us to be closer to the people, act more quickly, be more effective, and optimize resources and every euro.
  • At a more strategic level, demonstrate how human security is a prerequisite for international security, as well as why and how national solidarity is compatible with international solidarity.
  • Share, illustrate, and promote the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence as the foundation of all action, while avoiding the risks of politicization and division that would weaken us.

Défis Humanitaires doesn’t have all the answers, but our journal explores avenues, solutions, and options both within and outside the “toolbox.” Please feel free to send us your comments and suggestions at: contact@defishumanitaires.com

Défis Humanitaires’ Commitment to You.

Défis Humanitaires is a nonprofit organization established under the French law of 1901 that publishes an independent, free online journal. The costs of this publication are covered by the volunteer work of its expert committee members and numerous contributors (complete list of contributors), as well as by humanitarian and geopolitical networks and by donors who make each new issue possible.

If we were to think in terms of a “business model,” there would be nothing. What makes the difference for Défis Humanitaires are the convictions, the commitment, the experience gained, the friends, donors, and authors without whom this would not exist. And now we are also witnessing the emergence of a new geopolitical era where confrontation is taking hold and war looms, at the very moment when public humanitarian and development funding is collapsing while needs are growing.

This Issue 111 is emblematic of our journal. You will discover a fascinating interview with Maurice Gourdault-Montagne, a seasoned diplomat, who explains the past to us and sheds light on the present and the future. We are very excited to publish testimonials from NGOs such as Électriciens Sans Frontières (ESF), with its president Hervé Gouyet, who presents the results of four years of engagement in Ukraine.

© Électriciens Sans Frontières – Électriciens Sans Frontières in Ukraine

Similarly, we hear from the Solinfo association, which has been active in Bangladesh for 22 years, with a field report that takes us along with Thierry Liebaut, its secretary general, who has just returned from there. In the field of innovation, following last month’s presentation of the remarkable tool, the Solis bot, Antoine Vaccaro of Force For Good offers us a remarkable analysis of philanthropy in times of chaos. Regarding global access to drinking water and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs 2015–2030), Gérard Payen, vice president of the French Water Partnership, provides an overview of the current situation and strategic challenges of the upcoming UN World Water Summit, which will take place in December 2026 in Abu Dhabi.

 

A New Défis Humanitaires.

In the face of ongoing geopolitical and humanitarian upheavals, our magazine must adapt, evolve, and change to better fulfill its mission and meet readers’ expectations.

This process concerns both content and form. How can we adapt our editorial line to the new geopolitical context? How can we interpret current events to anticipate the world to come? How can we reposition the humanitarian sector, which has been hit hard by the drastic decline in public funding? How can we mobilize new partners and allies? How can we adapt, change, and reinvent ourselves?

How can we adapt our layout and offer new features to our readers? What direction should we take in terms of graphic identity to better express a renewed editorial line?

Please feel free to share your thoughts on these questions with us. It’s very simple—just write to us at contact@defishumanitaires.com

However, while volunteer work is essential to achieving this, it is not enough on its own. We urgently need your support to cover the costs of this new layout and to expand our editorial team so that we can fully develop our content, including articles, testimonials, interviews, and visual materials.

I am therefore appealing to the generosity of our readers—who are our closest and most loyal supporters—by inviting you to make a donation at (faireundon), for which you will receive a tax receipt entitling you to a tax deduction of 66% of the amount donated.

Thank you very much for your support of Défis Humanitaires, a unique monthly magazine that hopes to bring this project to fruition thanks to you. Thank you.

Alain Boinet.

President of Défis Humanitaires.


Alain Boinet is the president of the association Défis Humanitaires which publishes the online review www.defishumanitaires.com. He is the founder of the humanitarian association Solidarités International of which he was director general for 35 years. Moreover, he is a member of the Humanitarian Consultation Group with the Crisis and Support Center of the Ministry for Europe and Foreign Affairs, member of the Board of Directors of Solidarités International, of the French Water Partnership (PFE), of the Véolia Foundation, of the Think Tank (re)sources. He continues to go to the field (north-east Syria, Haut-Karabagh/Artsakh and Armenia) and to testify in the media.


Discover the other articles of this edition :

Lebanon, Gaza, Iran, and now what ?

A personal interview with Antoine Basbous, Director of the Arab Countries Observatory and partner at Forward Global.

International conference in support of the people and sovereignty of Lebanon, Paris – 24/10/2024. © Philemon Henry / SIPA for MEAE

An international conference in support of the people and sovereignty of Lebanon was held in Paris on Thursday 24 October. What can we make of its outcome and the humanitarian situation?

This conference, convened by Paris, was useful and showed that Lebanon could still count on France’s friendship, which is deeply rooted in its history. But the success of the emergency humanitarian aid cannot mask the geopolitical reality. The keystone of peace in Lebanon lies rather in three decisive calls that have not been acted upon: the election of a President of the Republic, the first cornerstone of the institutions, and above all the handing over by Hezbollah of its arsenal to the Lebanese army and the call for a ceasefire so that Security Council Resolution 17 01 can finally be applied.

The conference could have produced a solemn appeal for the disarmament of the Party of God, co-signed by the Lebanese delegation which included ministers representing this militia. In 1988, Ayatollah Khomeini did call for a ceasefire with Iraq, declaring that he was ‘drinking the cup of poison’ to stop the destruction of his country.

Hezbollah demonstration in Lebanon

What are Israel’s objectives in Lebanon, and what consequences could the war between Hezbollah and Israel have for the communal and political balance in Lebanon?

Tel Aviv says it wants to eliminate the threat of Hezbollah on its border, which has led 80,000 Israelis to leave their homes since October 2023, when this militia declared war on Israel, without any consultation with Lebanese institutions. All it took was an order from Tehran for the Secretary General of the Party of God, Hassan Nasrallah, to declare war on Israel in the name of ‘unity of fronts’. Hezbollah’s demonstrations of strength and the precedent of the tunnels discovered in 2006, and then in Gaza in 2023, served as justification for very severe action by Israel against the political and military commands and installations of the Party of God.

Nasrallah had boosted the morale of his militia by gratifying it with lofty qualifications such as a chosen people and the ‘noblest community among men’. The brutal decimation of the militia in September came as a shock, a bitterness that carries the risk of revenge on Lebanese civilians. In fact, the Hezbollah militiamen, despite being defeated on the military front, have behaved arrogantly towards those who have received and sheltered them since they were forced to leave their villages and seek refuge within their own country. Some of their actions border on aggression, and risk tipping the country into a confrontation between its constituent parts. For example, some refugees have sought to create faits accomplis on plots of land that do not belong to them or that are being contested in the courts, in order to build permanent structures as soon as they arrive. Obviously, if such behaviour is not curbed by the militia leaders or the Lebanese authorities, it can provoke violent reactions and resurrect the old demons of civil/regional war. For the time being, however, the other communities are not prepared to engage in conflict with Hezbollah militiamen.

Joint air exercise between the Israeli Air Force and the Hellenic Air Force July 2022. © Israel Defence Army

Some people are talking about the risk of a regional conflagration, yet the Iranians seem to have reacted with moderation to the Israeli strikes on their military infrastructure. Is this the fault of the United States, or is it a step in a possible escalation?

The United States has no desire to manage a new conflict in the Middle East after the bitter failures it suffered in Iraq and Afghanistan. Above all, they have no desire to do so in the middle of a presidential election. This is why they have held Israel’s hand by preventing it from taking the lives of Iranian leaders or striking the Islamic Republic’s oil and nuclear facilities. In return, they deployed their THAAD anti-missile system to reassure Israel of their support, and hit the Houthis with B-2s from Missouri to remind the Iranians of the extent of their reach.

While we await satellite images of the damage left on Iranian soil, we can assume that the American instructions were respected by Israel, and that the response was negotiated and scripted to ensure that it did not get too out of hand. Israel even warned Iran of its intention to attack. Tehran had in fact announced that a reasonable attack would not provoke a reaction on its part. For the time being, a form of ‘muscular cohabitation’ has been established at regional level. Iran’s auxiliaries in the Mediterranean are badly damaged, but continue to inflict serious losses on Israel.

Distribution of RTE pracels for IDPs – North and Akkar, 9th of September 2024. ©Solidarités International

Will Iran and its allies Hamas and Hezbollah be the big losers in the war they started? Will the Abraham Accords be back on the agenda? Is there any other solution than the creation of a Palestinian state to establish lasting peace in the region?

The biggest losers will be the Palestinians. The Abraham Accords, which had begun to write off the ‘Sacred Cause’, will return to centre stage and flourish once Tel Aviv has re-established its deterrence on the ground and in the imagination. The Arab states are keen to build a new security architecture that takes account of the (relative) withdrawal of the Americans, which makes the Israelis the key interlocutors in containing Iran’s ambitions.

However, this is counter-productive in the long term, as the best solution for a lasting regional peace remains the creation of a disarmed Palestinian entity (so as not to threaten Israel) whose borders would be protected by the United States and NATO (so as not to be threatened by Israel). Despite everything, this ideal solution is unlikely to see the light of day due to the lack of American will and its massive rejection by the messianic supremacists in the current Israeli government. The latter’s objective is rather to recolonise Gaza and drive the West Bankers from their territory. October 7th only added fuel to their fire, and the lack of action by the United States gives them the opportunity to create faits accomplis to the detriment of the Palestinians.

 

Antoine Basbous is a political scientist and specialist in the Arab-Islamic world and Islamist terrorism

In 1991, he founded the Observatoire des Pays Arabes (OPA) in Paris, which he has headed ever since. This is a fully independent consultancy specialising in North Africa, the Middle East, the Gulf and the Islamic world in general. In 2021, OPA joined the Forward Global group, which specialises in risk management, economic intelligence, cyber, crisis communication, etc.

Antoine Basbous was born in Lebanon, where he studied law and French literature. In France, he obtained a doctorate in political science and a postgraduate diploma (DEA) in information and communication. He worked as a journalist in Beirut and Paris from 1975 to 1987.

Antoine Basbous has published several essays translated into various languages, including Guerres secrètes au Liban, Editions Gallimard, 1987; L’Islamisme, une révolution avortée? Editions Hachette, 2000; L’Arabie saoudite en question, du wahhabisme à Bin Laden, Editions Perrin, 2002. In September 2004, an updated version of the latter work was published in paperback by Tempus under the title L’Arabie saoudite en guerre ; Le tsunami arabe, Editions Fayard, 2011.

He is consulted by major companies, governments and courts in Europe and North America, and regularly takes part in debates on the crises shaking the Arab and Islamic worlds, on terrorism and on the relationship between Islam and the West.

 

Discover Antoine Basbous’ former interview in October 2021: The Middle East on fire. – Humanitarian challenges

MEAE text on the International Conference in Support of the People and Sovereignty of Lebanon (Paris, 24 October 2024) : International Conference in Support of the People and Sovereignty of Lebanon (Paris, 24.10.24) – Ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères * (in French)

Text from the Elysée on the international conference in support of the people and sovereignty of Lebanon (Paris, 24 October 2024) : International Conference in Support of the People and Sovereignty of Lebanon – Elysée Palace

United Nations resolution 1701 on Lebanon

 

I invite you to read these interviews and articles published in the edition :