Interview with Manuel Patrouillard, Executive Director of the Handicap International Federation

© S. Rae / HI – Vanno Leap, an orthotist with HI, is making Sreyka’s new prosthesis. Sreyka Pov, 14, receives a new prosthesis in Kampong Cham. For the past six years, Sreyka has been visiting the Kampong Cham Community Rehabilitation Center regularly. Since she is growing quickly, the HI teams regularly make her a new prosthesis.

Alain Boinet. Hello, Manuel Patrouillard, and thank you for this interview about the work of Handicap International – Humanity and Inclusion. On April 4, you launched a campaign titled “The Nobel Peace: Repairing Peace, Together.” Why launch this campaign now, and what do you hope to achieve with it?

Manuel Patrouillard. Hello, and thank you for having me. We have high hopes for this campaign, because the Ottawa Treaty is currently under attack from all sides. It is being challenged by states that, historically, have never acceded to it, but also—and this is more concerning—by states that have ratified it.

The goal of this campaign is clear: to hold States Parties accountable for their obligations and to denounce violations of the treaty. This treaty remains a fundamental pillar in the fight against profoundly devastating methods of warfare that today affect 85% of civilians. Antipersonnel mines are cowardly weapons, and it is our responsibility to prevent their return to conflict zones.

Some of the countries considering withdrawing from the treaty—Poland, Finland, Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia—are democracies bordering Russia that are preparing for a threat they deem real in light of the situation in Ukraine. Other states on Europe’s eastern flank could follow suit if this threat were to intensify. However, antipersonnel mines cannot be part of the response to this threat.

Alain Boinet. In this context, how can you develop your campaign and make your case to the public in these countries?

Manuel Patrouillard. The first question is obviously a military one: what is the real purpose of these weapons? The facts have long been established: their military effectiveness is extremely limited. A minefield does not stop an army’s advance; it can be bypassed, and when it does slow it down, it is only for a very short time.

These weapons are more a matter of military redundancy, which is catastrophic from a humanitarian standpoint: 85% of the victims are civilians, and 40% are children.

The issue is therefore also a moral one. What is the point of a weapon that kills or maims large numbers of civilians and very few combatants? There are other ways to defend a territory without resorting to devices that have dramatic long-term human and economic consequences.

Democracies can sometimes succumb to oversimplification and facile rhetoric. Challenging the international consensus on the ban on antipersonnel mines is no trivial matter: it carries extremely strong symbolic weight, including regarding the quality and democratic robustness of the states involved.

Protecting civilians does not mean laying mines that will remain active for decades, or even centuries, that will explode in children’s hands and permanently hinder economic development. What is presented as a short-term solution actually creates a major long-term humanitarian problem. It is in this sense that we refer to them as “weapons of cowards.”

© K. Nateel / HI -Ahmed (not his real name), a 13-year-old boy, lives with his family in a camp for displaced people in the southern Gaza Strip. In January 2024, while playing near his home in Rafah, he noticed a strange object on the ground. When he approached it, the object exploded. Several fingers on his left hand were amputated. Here he is undergoing rehabilitation with an HI physical therapist for his hand.

Alain Boinet. Following the Trump administration’s decisions in January 2025 to abolish USAID and drastically cut its funding, and after the concurrent decline in Official Development Assistance from 26 out of 34 member countries of the OECD Development Assistance Committee, what are the consequences for Handicap International – Humanity and Inclusion, its organization, and its programs?

Manuel Patrouillard. The consequences are massive. The U.S. budget cuts have not only affected direct funding from the United States, but also a portion of the United Nations funds that depended on it.

These reductions are part of a broader trend of declining public funding, which began in 2024. For Handicap International, this represents a loss of approximately half of its public funding, or nearly 40% of its total resources.

This situation has already forced us to reduce our workforce by about 20%, and this trend of downsizing continues. It is still difficult to gauge the final extent of this, even though we remain hopeful for new developments with certain donors. In concrete terms, this crisis is resulting in the closure of programs and countries of operation—a trend that has already begun and could intensify if the decline in funding is confirmed.

Alain Boinet. Faced with this situation—which is at once new, sudden, and rapid—how are you effectively managing this decline? What alternative model are you moving toward, and how are you adapting your communication to this new context?

Manuel Patrouillard. As early as 2024 and early 2025, we had been working on a five-year strategy for the period 2026–2030. It already anticipated a contraction in funding, but not the scale of the current crisis. That said, several directions we set at the time are proving relevant today and must be accelerated.

The first concerns regionalization. We have chosen to consolidate our operations into five major regions worldwide in order to pool expertise and support functions. The goal is not to create additional layers of bureaucracy, but rather to streamline operations by having a single finance, HR, and operations department per region. This structure makes the decline in funding more sustainable and allows us to maintain our impact on the ground.

The second focus is on strengthening our core mission. Handicap International is recognized for three major areas: the inclusion of people with disabilities, physical and functional rehabilitation, and humanitarian demining. Even though inclusion is now challenged by certain ideologies, it remains central to the expectations of the majority of donors. We will therefore continue to champion it fully, just as we do rehabilitation—particularly in emergency contexts—and demining, which remains tragically relevant today.

© T. Nicholson / HI – HI demining trainers conduct an awareness-raising session on the risks of unexploded ordnance (EORE) for local communities in areas where they are carrying out demining and unexploded ordnance disposal operations in Al Meriaaya, in the province of Deir ez-Zor, Syria.

Finally, we are developing the HI Movement, a network of organizations committed to inclusion on a global scale. This movement will facilitate the sharing of expertise, tools, and training, as well as the formation of consortia. Conceived before the crisis, it is now taking on full meaning and will be accelerated. These three pillars illustrate the rapid evolution of our model, in step with current challenges.

Alain Boinet. In a March 2025 interview with Chroniques Philanthropiques, you wondered whether the humanitarian sector was at the end of a cycle or whether it was, rather, the end of a model. A year later, what is your view on this, looking beyond HI and considering the entire humanitarian ecosystem?

Manuel Patrouillard. I firmly believe we are at the end of a model. Humanitarian needs have never been greater, and the diversity of actors remains essential. But we must acknowledge an inescapable reality: funding is at an all-time low, creating an unsustainable squeeze when combined with the explosion in needs.

The erosion of international humanitarian law further exacerbates this situation. The protection once afforded to humanitarian workers is eroding dramatically; in Gaza, we have lost several colleagues and their families. We have become targets.

Added to this are access difficulties, administrative roadblocks, and restrictions that have grown increasingly complex over the past twenty-five years. We must therefore thoroughly rethink our methods of intervention, our operational models, and our approach to humanitarian access. The transformations I have mentioned for HI are fully in line with this broader reflection.

Alain Boinet. In this new geopolitical and humanitarian context, have you established red lines regarding the conditions under which NGOs like HI receive funding from institutional donors and the United States, among others?

Manuel Patrouillard. Handicap International has always established red lines to preserve our independence and impartiality. That is precisely why we created the HI Institute for Operational Ethics. For over ten years, it has guided us in analyzing each of our funding sources through a rigorous ethical framework: our ability to accept these funds, associated conditions, potential partnerships, and relationships with conflict stakeholders.

Everything we do at HI regarding funding, access, and partnerships goes through this ethical filter. With recent changes in U.S. funding and the strengthening of the Mexico City Policy, which places significant constraints on organizations like ours, we are no longer able to accept U.S. funding. In fact, we lost this funding when the new administration took office, and it is highly unlikely that we will be able to regain it in the short or medium term.

Alain Boinet. Some people point to the simultaneous questioning of humanitarian action—both through criticism labeled as populist and through so-called decolonial criticism. What are your thoughts on this? How can we reconcile universal, identity-based, and more localized values with humanitarian action and localization?

Manuel Patrouillard. I believe that when we are attacked by extremists on both sides, it is actually a good sign. It means we have found a middle ground—admittedly uncomfortable, but fair. Being on that middle ground exposes us more to crossfire, and unfortunately, that’s not just a figure of speech. Why are we being attacked? Probably because we are a thorn in the side of autocrats of all stripes.

Civil society operates openly: it starts with needs and engages in dialogue with governments, ministries, and communities. This is how we build effective international solidarity, by striking the right balance between what must be done locally and what must be brought in from outside—whether in the form of expertise, tools, or systems.

From the very beginning, Handicap International has sought to operate in this way, although, like any international organization, we have also learned along the way and adapted our practices. In the early days, on the border between Cambodia and Thailand, we produced prosthetics with and by people with disabilities themselves, using simple materials. Since then, we have strengthened our commitment to a more localized approach, particularly through a more structured dialogue with communities, and partnerships with local organizations and national authorities that are more balanced and designed for the long term.

International solidarity and collaboration within a universal humanity can never be called into question over the long term, not even by those who advocate isolationism. The world is globalized: if we do not collectively address global problems, they will ultimately impose themselves upon us. HI has demonstrated the relevance of its model. It will evolve, but it will remain grounded in partnership with governments and communities, always placing the beneficiary at the center, in a response that is humane and dignified.

Alain Boinet. Since you just mentioned it, I can attest to the extraordinary work done by Handicap International in 1982 along the border between Thailand and Cambodia, where many Khmer people were fleeing the Khmer Rouge regime and then the Vietnamese invasion and were stepping on landmines. And I remember going to Khao-I-Dang, Nong Chan, Nong Samet, and the Dângrêk Mountains, and seeing HI’s work in fitting those who had stepped on these mines with remarkable prosthetics, since these individuals could themselves tinker with their prostheses to best adapt them to their specific needs. This is an absolutely exceptional initiative that remains as vital today as ever.

Manuel Patrouillard. Thank you for putting it so much better than I could—and especially for having witnessed it firsthand. I arrived after that period, but this story deeply embodies the spirit of Handicap International. It is a spirit rooted in frugality, practical innovation, community engagement, and the ability to do a lot with little, without ever losing sight of what matters most.

Alain Boinet. To come back to that, I also remember young mothers who had lost a leg above or below the knee—which is quite different—and who were smiling and full of joie de vivre because they had regained the use of their legs thanks to these prosthetics. When you’re able-bodied, it’s hard to imagine the difference that can make in someone’s life.

Manuel Patrouillard. When we talk about “getting back on one’s feet,” that’s exactly what we mean: standing tall. It’s as much about mobility as it is about dignity. It’s about giving people with disabilities the opportunity to lead a normal life: to work, go to school, farm a field, and start a family. “Living upright” has long been our organization’s slogan, and it remains profoundly true.

Prosthetics are, of course, essential, but beyond that, it is a vision of human dignity. It is about giving these people back what landmines—those cowardly weapons—sought to steal from them: an independent, dignified, and fulfilling life.

© T. Nicholson / HI -HI’s demining experts are conducting demining and unexploded ordnance disposal operations in Deir ez-Zor, Syria. In the village of Mreieyah, in Deir ez-Zor, Syria.

Alain Boinet. In contrast to the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence that commonly guide the humanitarian work of diverse actors—as you mentioned earlier: the Red Cross family, UN agencies, and NGOs—some voices are calling for the politicization of humanitarian aid. How should we understand this, and how should we respond as a humanitarian organization?

Manuel Patrouillard. On the ground, neutrality is an absolute prerequisite for our ability to intervene, to be protected, and to avoid becoming targets. We remain deeply committed to neutrality, but also to impartiality—which means basing our decisions solely on needs—and to independence from states, which is essential to our freedom of action.

These principles remain unchanged at Handicap International. However, they are now being challenged by ideologies that have resurfaced and are targeting us. Why? Because we are building an autonomous civil society—precisely what authoritarian regimes seek to weaken. Because we are forging connections between peoples and fostering cross-border and multicultural exchanges, where autocrats seek to isolate populations.

Faced with this, we can no longer remain passive. In our donor countries, when we are subjected to stigmatization or ideological manipulation, we have a duty to enter the political arena—not into a partisan, left-right debate, which must be avoided at all costs—but into a political debate in the noblest sense. We have things to say about the reality of aid, about what works and what does not.

We must denounce what we observe on the ground: war crimes, ineffective policies, dangerous measures. The example of the Gaza Foundation is tragic, having caused more than a thousand deaths in the deadliest food distribution in history. Pointing out what isn’t working isn’t a choice: it’s a responsibility. If we don’t do it, no one will do it for us.

Alain Boinet. But to avoid any misunderstanding, I assume this is a humanitarian political response or argument, and not an ideological political argument, as you seemed to imply?

Manuel Patrouillard. Absolutely. This is a humanitarian political stance, not an ideological one. We must avoid fruitless national or ideological debates and constantly bring the discussion back to what matters most: the meaning behind it. As the saying goes: the wise man points to the moon, the fool looks at the finger. Our responsibility is to look at the moon, and to refuse to let ourselves be trapped by the snares set by certain ideologues or future autocrats.

Alain Boinet. In the coming months, several important events will take place, such as the National Humanitarian Conference (CNH) in Paris on June 3, followed by the G7 summit from June 15 to 17 under the French presidency. Isn’t this a favorable moment for humanitarian actors, in the context you just mentioned, to take action and seek to influence the decisions that will be made or that could be made?

Manuel Patrouillard. We must obviously maintain a constant dialogue with the French government and continue to strengthen our capacity to influence, even though we know how constrained governments are today by complex agendas. But it is precisely during this period of geopolitical tensions and a sharp decline in funding that the humanitarian voice must carry weight: when budgets are tightening, every trade-off has immediate consequences for civilians’ access to care, protection, and survival.

But our role is also to help restore a sense of direction. This means tirelessly reiterating what must remain non-negotiable: respect for international humanitarian law, the protection of civilians, and impartial and unimpeded humanitarian access. It also means protecting those who deliver aid: humanitarian workers must never become targets, and attacks against them must be prevented, documented, and punished.

©HI – Speech by Manuel Patrouillard at the ceremony held at Dublin Castle on November 18, 2022, in tribute to civilian victims of contemporary conflicts and bombings. On the left is Izumi Nakamitsu, United Nations Under-Secretary-General and High Representative for Disarmament Affairs.

In this regard, France should join countries like Spain, which today take a clear and consistent stance against the excesses of war-mongering governments and violations of international law. Calling things by their name, accepting the consequences, and clearly explaining to citizens what is right and what is wrong: this is essential.

We cannot maintain a double standard. What is true in Ukraine cannot be false in Gaza. We cannot maintain a double standard. What is true in Ukraine cannot be false in Gaza. That said, our expectations vary depending on the forum. The National Humanitarian Conference is an opportunity for France to lend credibility to its humanitarian ambitions, to clearly state what it stands for—the rule of law, access, and partnerships—without sidestepping the issue of resources.

The G7, for its part, is a forum where room for maneuver is very limited in the current context. Let’s hope its members show enough determination to collectively call for respect for international humanitarian law, demand impartial, safe, and unimpeded humanitarian access, and make the protection of humanitarian workers an operational priority.

Alain Boinet. Thank you for this interview. How would you like to conclude?

Manuel Patrouillard. We are at a moment of profound upheaval, of a paradigm shift. Over the years I’ve spent in the humanitarian sector, several observations have become clear to me.

First, the excessive fragmentation of international actors must be addressed. The diversity of civil society is a strength, but the proliferation of cumbersome structures, duplicated both at headquarters and in the field, undermines overall effectiveness.

Second, localization must be rethought from the perspective of accountability. We cannot localize without ensuring accountability, particularly regarding financial matters. Donors bear a major responsibility here.

Similarly, the UN system must undergo reform, particularly regarding frugality and value added.

Finally, we must also better integrate available innovation capabilities, including artificial intelligence, where we remain collectively too slow to act.

This reevaluation is necessary.

But I want to conclude on a decidedly positive note: civil society is indispensable. It is part of the solution, provided it can adapt, because it often enjoys stronger local acceptance, and because it remains best positioned to mobilize and deploy resources in a frugal and effective manner.



Manuel Patrouillard, Executive Director of the Handicap International Federation

Originally from the Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes region, Manuel Patrouillard pursued his studies in Paris, Madrid, and Lyon before enrolling at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes Commerciales (HEC). A career in management then unfolded, marked by six years in the corporate sector, followed by some fifteen years in consulting, where he led large international teams across all continents from Paris, Lyon, and Geneva. In early 2013, seeking to give new meaning to his professional life, he accepted the role of interim director of Aide et Action France and Europe, which was then facing multiple challenges.

He remained in that position for a year, during which time he infused the organization with new energy, recruited, and brought in the new director. Following this assignment, he took the helm of Handicap International in March 2014 and has since dedicated himself to implementing a development and transformation strategy to address the explosion in humanitarian needs and the radical evolution of the international aid sector. Under his leadership, Handicap International has more than doubled its field operations while decentralizing its decision-making and management centers, thoroughly reforming its organization and operating methods, and aligning and revitalizing its network of approximately ten legal entities worldwide.

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Discover the other articles of this edition :

Between political transition, identity-based tensions, and geopolitical and climate shocks: Bangladesh’s complex equation

© Thierry Liebaut – Urgency distribution in Dhaka, Bangladesh

Caught between the traumatic legacy of 1971, the political upheaval of 2024, and new global shocks, Bangladesh is walking a tightrope. As the country establishes itself as an economic player in the Global South, NGOs must navigate an increasingly rigid administrative environment and emerging identity-based tensions. The story of a 24-year commitment with Solinfo, where humanitarian agility is challenged by the complexity of a “laboratory country.”

 

Solinfo in Bangladesh: 24 Years After the Initial Vision

My early morning arrival in Dhaka this year was nothing like the three previous ones. After the familiar shock of the heat, even at 5:30 a.m., I was greeted by an unusual calm: an almost empty airport, as if suspended in time. The immigration process, surprisingly smooth, confirmed this strange impression.

I could have seen it as a symbolic sign of calm following the tension of the recent elections… But above all, it was the result of the sudden disruption to air traffic caused by the outbreak of the conflict in the Middle East.

How could I not think, that morning, of all my predecessors who learned before me to love this country, which is not easily approached. For the NGO Solinfo, which sent me here, has a special history with Bangladesh. It was even here, in Dhaka, that Solinfo’s story began, 24 years ago.

Since 2002, this original idea of training disadvantaged young adults in office software to help them find employment has remained unchanged: Solinfo continues to run a network of vocational training centers to give a chance to those who have the least—young adults, the most disadvantaged among the disadvantaged, girls and boys together, from all communities and religions.

© Thierry Liebaut – Bangladesh, Solinfo centers – Kadam Mubarak, Chittagong

Twenty-four years later, building on that initial momentum, Solinfo has grown into a small NGO operating in several countries, running emergency aid and development programs. In Bangladesh, Solinfo has remained true to this original commitment, as well as to the local team, led from the very beginning by Sultana Afroage, our country director.

This long history creates a special bond—between the teams in France and those in Bangladesh, between successive country directors, and, more broadly, with a country that remains largely unknown to many French people.

Humanitarian work thus holds this kind of surprise: sending you to countries that mean nothing, or very little, to you. For many French people, Bangladesh is one of those countries. It is not part of our collective imagination and appears in our media only when the monsoon season highlights its vulnerability to the effects of global warming.

© Thierry Liebaut – Dhaka, Bangladesh

Yet, in many ways, this country is emblematic of the fractures in the contemporary world. Poor, landlocked between powerful neighbors, and a global powerhouse of the textile industry, it faces considerable demographic, climatic, political, and economic challenges. It must tackle these in an increasingly unstable international environment, marked by growing geopolitical and identity-based tensions.

This country, which was also an early testing ground for emergency aid and development, has just weathered events whose implications remain uncertain, particularly for the NGOs operating there.

 

The Legacy of 1971: Between Resilience and Democratic Fragility

Bangladesh was born in blood in 1971, following a particularly deadly war of independence against Pakistan. This war of independence was accompanied by mass killings of civilians, targeted eliminations of intellectuals, and the systematic use of rape as a weapon of social destruction. Hundreds of thousands of people were killed, and millions fled to India.

For many historians and legal scholars, these events constitute the first genocide since World War II. This foundational trauma continues to shape the country’s political life today, marked by coups and political violence.

 

From Sheikh Hasina’s Stability to the Break in 2024

As leader of the Awami League, Sheikh Hasina came to power in 1996. For nearly three decades, until her downfall in 2024, she shaped modern Bangladesh by embodying a form of stability in a country marked by decades of chaos.

Under her leadership, Bangladesh is opening up and striving to firmly establish the principles that guided its founding: institutional pluralism, a form of secularism, and a generally peaceful coexistence between the Muslim majority and religious minorities.

But it is elsewhere that the change is most visible: in the streets and factories, young women are now working everywhere. Girls’ widespread access to education and their integration into the textile industry have profoundly transformed society, offering millions of them their first income and a form of autonomy.

© Thierry Liebaut – Villager community in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh

In half a century, Bangladesh has been transformed. From a state bled dry at the dawn of independence, it has become a major economic player in the Global South.

Yet, as power consolidated, it inevitably closed in on itself. Accusations of authoritarian drift multiplied, political space shrank, and a growing segment of the population began to feel excluded from the system.

 

2024–2026: A Youth in Search of Change

The student uprising that erupted in 2024 was the culmination of frustration that had been building for years among a large, educated, and connected youth population—one confronted with unemployment, political gridlock, corruption, and a sense of injustice.

The violent crackdown hastened the regime’s collapse, marked by Sheikh Hasina’s flight to India and the beginning of a transitional period led by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus. Under his leadership, the interim authorities drafted a constitutional reform plan to strengthen democratic safeguards.

But alongside this democratic protest, another dynamic gained strength: the rise of a more structured political Islam. This movement asserted itself not only through religious discourse but also as a moral alternative to a system deemed corrupt. In certain segments of society, particularly among young people, political Islam appeared to embody order, integrity, and social justice.

Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami thus hoped to capture the protest vote stemming from the student uprising. However, despite an intense campaign, this dynamic did not translate into a significant breakthrough for the party in the February 2026 elections, which were won by a wide margin by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).

Despite its electoral failure and the choice of a more traditional alternation with the BNP, the Islamist party retains real influence by shifting the public debate toward identity-based and conservative themes.

More than ever, Bangladesh is torn between two conflicting visions of its society and its future.

 

The Local Context: A Barometer of Intercommunal Tensions

It was against this backdrop, just after the elections, that my plane landed in Dhaka on March 8. This political context quickly faded into the background as I interacted with the young people in our centers in Dhaka, Chittagong, and Cox’s Bazar. In our training rooms, it is not concepts or geopolitical balances that are discussed, but individual life paths—always fragile.

These young adults, soon to leave the school system, come to Solinfo’s 10 centers seeking something concrete: access to work, a place in an economy that is rapidly transforming—though not always for them. Above all, they come seeking a means to make a living: an income, a start in life.

This opportunity is even more crucial for young women. Access to employment allows them to exercise a certain degree of freedom in a country where the weight of tradition—regardless of religion—often bears more heavily on their future than on that of boys. Aged 17 to 20, most of our female students envision themselves in very modern jobs and life choices.

One of them, a student at one of our training centers housed in an orphanage, asked me: “I’m torn between joining the civil service, working at a data processing center, or doing freelance digital marketing…”. None of these choices would be possible without the openness and opportunities offered by our centers.

By establishing our centers at the heart of the communities with which we partner, we have the opportunity to observe a wide variety of situations: Buddhist, Hindu, and Muslim communities, as well as private and public centers. This presence gives us a very concrete glimpse into the reality of the country.

© Thierry Liebaut – Solinfo visit in a hindouist center in Chittagong

It has also allowed us to gauge the fear that has spread during this period of transition, often resulting in communities turning inward.

We were thus forced to close one of our centers, located within the Damma Oejaya Buddhist temple, in the heart of a very isolated community of 81 families from the Rakhine ethnic group, originally from Burma. Despite the importance of this education for their children, the community rejected our principle of religious coexistence and chose to withdraw into itself.

This decision was difficult to accept, but it reflects the very real fear of intercommunal violence that marked the transition period.

This episode served as a wake-up call for us. For the first time, we clearly perceived the risks that could threaten our presence. The possibility of Jamaat-e-Islami coming to power cast doubt on the very principles that underpin our centers: the mixing of genders, religions, and communities.

During this period, our country director regularly reported pressure regarding the wearing of the veil. The director of a cultural center in Dhaka also told me a year ago: “In two months, 90% of the women working here started wearing the veil to avoid problems on public transportation.”

Nevertheless, during these nearly two years of transition, the country has continued to function, despite the security and institutional vacuum. And in fact, Solinfo has not faced any new constraints preventing us from carrying out our mission.

 

Solinfo: A Discreet but Well-Established Presence

Our position is undoubtedly also due to the very nature of our program. With ten training centers and approximately 300 young graduates each year—an equal number of girls and boys—Solinfo remains a modestly sized organization.

© Thierry Liebaut – Graduation ceremony, Solinfo Salimul center

Our funding model also contributes to this stability. It is based on a balance between Solinfo France’s own funds, a strong partnership with Terres des Hommes Alsace—which has been in place for six years and has been renewed for several more—and support from local businesses.

This last aspect is emblematic of our approach. Wherever possible, we seek to build local partnerships—whether private or institutional—capable of co-financing or even gradually taking over our programs.

In Dhaka, we can count on a network of companies that support our work through in-kind donations, mentoring, and opportunities offered to the beneficiaries of our centers.

Since Bangladesh is one of the world’s major hubs for the textile industry, many French and European companies are based there. Over the course of my discussions with these stakeholders, I have sensed, for the past two years, a growing concern about the emergence of a regime that would undermine women’s right to work. The director of a textile purchasing office for a major French retailer told me directly: “If women can no longer work, the whole country comes to a standstill.”

But the relief sparked by the election results ultimately proved short-lived within the business community.

 

Bangladesh on a Knife’s Edge

Bangladesh is constantly walking a tightrope. Caught between dependence on globalization and regional constraints, between economic openness and identity-based tensions, every external shock further destabilizes an already fragile balance.

India remains a key partner, but the relationship is ambivalent, now marked by the rise of Hindu nationalism. With Pakistan, ties remain deeply scarred by the trauma of 1971: while diplomatic relations exist, the memory of the genocide continues to permeate political life.

At the same time, the country must contend with the growing economic influence of China, which seeks to establish a foothold in the Bay of Bengal, and the increasingly unpredictable stance of the United States, the primary market for its exports.

Caught between these dynamics, Bangladesh finds itself at the center of an unstable strategic game, subject to competing influences and constant regional tensions.

 

A humanitarian laboratory under pressure

These vulnerabilities have made Bangladesh, for over 50 years, a major field of intervention for NGOs.

Born out of war and the massive displacement of populations in 1971, it was one of the first major theaters of modern humanitarian action. Cyclones, floods, food insecurity: over the decades, NGOs have tested responses there that have since spread elsewhere. Some of the world’s largest organizations were founded there. The country has not only received aid but has also helped to redefine its methods.

© Thierry Liebaut – Market in Chittagong

Compounding these structural tensions is a major humanitarian crisis: that of the Rohingya. Since 2017, nearly one million refugees have settled in the southeast of the country, around Cox’s Bazar. Their prolonged presence places considerable strain on resources, local balances, and relations with host communities.

It has also brought Bangladesh back to the forefront of the international humanitarian response, while highlighting the difficulty of managing a crisis that is likely to persist. It is within this complex situation that NGOs are operating today.

 

Humanitarian Agility Put to the Test by the Administrative “Wall”

Despite the emergence and recurrence of crises affecting the country, working in Bangladesh is becoming increasingly complex. As the country has developed and asserted itself, it has tightened the framework within which these organizations operate. The main challenge is no longer so much access to the field as the ability to navigate a dense administrative environment.

Bureaucracy has become the central point of friction. Nothing is impossible, but everything takes time. Humanitarian action—whether emergency or development—must now contend with this reality that imposes itself on a daily basis.

It requires a long-term commitment, building solid relationships of trust with local partners and authorities, and accepting that every project is as much an administrative exercise as it is fieldwork.

For a small organization like ours, whose strength and legitimacy rest on agility, Bangladesh presents a particularly demanding challenge.

Everywhere else, Solinfo prioritizes this agility: a lean, volunteer-based organization, entirely local teams, rapid decision-making, and rigorous yet streamlined management tools.

In Bangladesh, we have to deal with extremely stringent administrative requirements: ten-year permits, five-year plans, annual approvals, and semi-annual authorizations for the use of funds… Each step involves highly complex approval processes.

Like many of my colleagues, I’ve lost count of the hours spent in the waiting rooms of various government agencies trying to speed up the process of getting that crucial stamp that will unlock our operations.

Without the expertise and experience of our local team, this administrative framework would be unsustainable for an NGO of our size. In fact, in recent years, it has contributed to the withdrawal of certain organizations that were far larger than ours.

 

Conclusion: Beyond Programs, the Imperative of Human Connection

Bangladesh has taken a step forward, but nothing is settled. The coming months will be decisive, both for confirming the country’s political trajectory and for clarifying the space within which NGOs can continue to operate.

Selfishly, humanitarian actors hope for a loosening of the administrative constraints that govern their work. But beyond these constraints, the key challenge remains that of peaceful coexistence among communities, which remains fragile following recent tensions.

These balances must now be rebuilt against the backdrop of a severely deteriorated global economy. For Solinfo, another major shift is already underway: the emergence of artificial intelligence, which directly threatens low-value-added jobs—the cornerstone of the Bangladeshi economic model and the employment prospects of our beneficiaries.

Bangladesh is moving forward, under multiple pressures, but driven by a resilience that is its strength. Paradoxically, the length of our presence in this country gives us the ability to adapt. It also imposes a form of loyalty upon us: loyalty to our history, but above all to our teams.

In development aid, we often speak of the need to avoid creating dependency and to hand the baton to local actors. This is essential. But the work we do also creates bonds. And these bonds matter. Because behind the programs are men and women who remind us that in “humanitarian,” “human” comes first.

As heirs to this history that began here in 2002, the successive teams leading Solinfo carry on both the programs and the bonds. Here, as in Syria, Iraq, Côte d’Ivoire, or Mozambique, we seek to strengthen local community organizations’ capacity to respond to young people’s aspirations for the future.

 

Gérard Payen.

 


Thierry Liebaut

An entrepreneur and travel enthusiast, Thierry joined Solinfo as an active member and was later elected secretary general. At Solinfo, he has found a way to combine work at headquarters with fieldwork, as part of a team dedicated to small-scale humanitarian projects, working directly with local partners and Solinfo’s beneficiaries. In the past, he has contributed to numerous humanitarian programs in Iraq, Lebanon, and Africa.

He oversees Solinfo’s programs in Bangladesh and Mozambique.

 

 

 


Solinfo

© Thierry Liebaut

Solinfo is an international aid NGO based in Paris, chaired by Edouard Lagourgue, and run entirely by volunteers and experts.

Since 2002, we have been working with local partners in crisis-stricken countries to help young people survive, rebuild their lives, and shape the future of their region.

Our beneficiaries come from vulnerable groups, often located in neglected areas where humanitarian aid is scarce or nonexistent.

Our approach: building North–South partnerships to strengthen the resilience of the most vulnerable

To operate as closely as possible to the realities of the countries where we work, Solinfo relies on local structures and teams and supports them with financial, technical, and human resources.

Our initiatives are thus designed with and for the communities, respecting their culture and humanitarian law, in order to strengthen their capacities and autonomy.

>> To learn more about Solinfo


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