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Anouchka Finker - CEO @ La Chaine de l'Espoir | LinkedIn

Anouchka Fincker

As a loyal reader of Défis Humanitaires, I recognize a rare quality in this journal: its ability to combine thoughtful reflection with rigorous experience. In a sector often consumed by urgency, it offers a space for thought that connects the field, diplomacy, and foresight.

Its diversity of viewpoints, the clarity of its analyses, and its commitment to the spirit of engagement that drives it make it a valuable resource for those who want to understand before they act. It has managed to preserve its independent tone, and this is undoubtedly its greatest strength.

But a vibrant journal must also dare to embrace contradiction. In the future, I would like to see more voices from the South, from practitioners who experience humanitarian work on a daily basis, far from institutional circles. These perspectives, sometimes discordant, are essential for continuing to think about our actions with accuracy and humility.

Défis Humanitaires enlightens, questions, and connects. May it continue to do so, with ever greater boldness—for that is the price that must be paid to keep humanitarian thinking alive.

 

Jean Launay :

Committed to the issue of water and sanitation both through civil society as President of the French Water Partnershipfrom 2016 to 2022 and institutionally as President of the National Water Committee since 2012, the journal Défis Humanitaires has opened its pages to me several times, allowing me to reaffirm some deeply held convictions.

Water, a common good, is still not accessible to all, and it is essential to find spaces for public debate to remind everyone of this.

Water is the marker of climate change, by its excesses and/or its shortages, and being able to write about it so that it is read helps to combat climate skepticism.

While sobriety is essential in societies of abundance, we must remember that this is not the case everywhere on the planet.

Finally, we have the duty to consider water as an issue of peace and to denounce all those who use it as a weapon of war.

Défis Humanitaires enables all this and must be able to continue its in-depth work.

 

Esther de Montchalin :

I had the opportunity to work alongside Alain Boinet as an intern for six months in this effort of reflection and research that helps make Défis Humanitaires a high-quality publication, bringing genuine added value to the humanitarian sector.

Maintaining this journal every month requires considerable investment, rigor, and real intellectual discipline to ensure serious and in-depth content.

Working with Alain, who has long and rich experience in the humanitarian field, and participating in the life of the journal, has been both inspiring and motivating. This experience strengthened my conviction in the importance of upholding and defending the values of the humanitarian sector in the years to come.

Défis Humanitaires is a true point of reference in a period marked by uncertainty and geopolitical upheaval. It sheds light on the complex challenges of the humanitarian sector and offers essential analytical tools to better understand today’s world.

Supported by contributions from experts, researchers, writers, and field practitioners, the journal guides its readers each month through an in-depth reflection on ongoing transformations.

Thus, Défis Humanitaires allows us to grasp the scope of global change, while reminding us of the need to pursue commitment toward a fairer, more humane, and more united world.

Jean Bernard Veron :

The Question of Aid: Challenges and Paths to Solutions

Aid, whether described as humanitarian or developmental (a distinction that often does not match the realities on the ground), is today confronted with major challenges. This necessarily calls for solutions, and therefore for increased dialogue and reflection among all potentially concerned actors. This is precisely the kind of engagement that Défis Humanitaires has been involved in for many years.

The challenges are multiple.

On the one hand, in donor countries, we are witnessing the rise of nationalism and a sharp reduction in public aid budgets, not only in the United States since the dissolution of USAID, but also in several European countries, including France. Added to this are political, rather than scientific, discourses calling into question the effectiveness of aid and its implementation methods.

On the other hand, in some recipient countries, governments and societies denounce what they perceive as a tool of geopolitical control and domination.

Furthermore, the world faces situations that gravely affect the populations of the poorest countries. Such is the case with the impact of global warming and climate disruptions, with prolonged floods and droughts severely affecting rural activities such as agriculture and livestock farming.

Moreover, there are wars and armed conflicts, mostly in what are called the “Global South”, that result in countless deaths and massive displacements, as seen for instance in Sudan, which likely holds the record in numerical terms, not to mention the Sahel countries, Somalia, and Myanmar.

The search for solutions to these challenges must focus on several priority points.

First, it is essential to foster multi-stakeholder dialogue and reflection on the question of aid, its motivations, objectives, implementation methods, and outcomes, bringing together as many actors as possible: donor and recipient governments, United Nations agencies, and the public implementation bodies of donor countries. Added to these are, outside the public sphere, civil society in recipient countries and the organizations that structure it, as well as, in donor countries, NGOs working on this issue and private financiers such as certain international foundations.

The results of such exchanges may not be immediately evident, given the number of actors involved. But that is not a sufficient reason to avoid them, especially when supported by arguments firmly grounded in field realities.

The second point concerns what is known as the localization of aid, meaning the establishment of close relationships on the ground with the societies concerned and their organizations—both for analyzing situations and for deciding what should be implemented and how. This would help to erase the image of aid as something “parachuted in” by donor countries.

The third point is to reduce, or even eliminate, the distinction between humanitarian aid and development aid, for two main reasons.

The first is that effective, context-appropriate development aid can have a positive impact on preventing the need for humanitarian aid, even in situations of tension or armed confrontation between communities—as illustrated by projects led by the French Development Agency (AFD) to ease tensions between sedentary farmers and nomadic herders in various African countries.

The second reason is that appropriate humanitarian aid should not be limited to meeting the immediate vital needs of affected populations, but should also be involved in the aftermath of its interventions. This calls for an approach that weaves together emergency, reconstruction, and development.

To conclude, I would say that even if aid has not always been flawless in its outcomes for impoverished or distressed populations, it has nevertheless helped them to improve their condition and to build a more positive and less uncertain future.

CALL TO READERS

Défis Humanitaires is launching a collective reflection on the changes in the world that justify the evolution of the magazine and its layout. Thank you for:

Thank you for your commitment and loyalty to Défis Humanitaires.

Trump, Putin, France and Europe, humanitarianism!

Vladimir Putin & Donald Trump in Helsinki July 2018. (Image Credit Kremlin.ru via Wikimedia Commons)

By signing an executive order abruptly freezing US international aid budgets and putting an end to the USAID agency, President Donald Trump has provoked shock followed by a storm in humanitarian organisations, coupled with uncertainty about the future, by combining exemptions for certain programmes with contradictory orders and counter-orders that sow confusion.

The big question is why this decision and its disastrous consequences.

All the more so as this slump in official development assistance from the United States, the world’s biggest donor, was shortly preceded by significant cuts in a number of European countries. I confess to being surprised by the great silence of the institutions on this subject, as we saw at the 10th anniversary of the CNDSI (Conseil National du Développement et de la Solidarité Internationale) in Paris or in the programme of the next European Humanitarian Forum on 19 and 20 in Brussels.

How can we explain the great return of geopolitics that we are witnessing, and what new period are we entering blindly?

What are the consequences for humanitarian and development aid for populations and, much further afield, for nation states and the international community that represents them at the UN, itself shaken, unbalanced and divided?

Have we not entered a pre-war climate that is already manifesting itself in cyberspace, sanctions and the trade war, in the accelerated increase in defence budgets and armies, and in the strengthening of the resilience of populations in the face of rising perils?

Swedish manual for survival in times of crisis or war

The humanitarian consequences

To take the measure of the earthquake caused by the US administration on 24 January, when it wrote to its partners to immediately freeze its funding for 90 days for evaluation in 158 countries where USAID is present, it is useful to recall the figures.

In 2023, the year for which we have the official OECD figures, they show that global Official Development Assistance amounted to USD 233.3 billion, including USD 64.7 billion for the United States (see the link to Cyprien Fabre’s article DH 97). This amount includes 14.5 billion for humanitarian aid out of a total humanitarian budget of 43.6 billion that year.

The entire global humanitarian and development ecosystem was instantly shaken, leading to a cascade of programme interruptions or forced slowdowns.

The extent of the shock is clearer when you consider that the budgets of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) are each 40% funded by the United States. Allen Maima, head of public health at the UNHCR, says that 520,000 displaced persons in the DRC are at risk of death from infectious diseases because the 2025 health budget has been cut by 87% compared with 2024. The World Health Organisation (WHO) has been forced to cut its budget and programmes by 20%, as have all the United Nations agencies, to varying degrees.

In eastern Chad, the WFP distributes food to new arrivals from Sudan. Photo WFP / Jacques David

The Secretary General of the NGO Danish Refugee Council (DRC), Charlotte Slente, testifies that on 26 February she received more than 20 notices of termination of grants from USAID and the US State Department for 12 countries, amounting to USD 130 million! The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), for its part, said that it had never experienced such a cut in funding in its 79-year history.

Among the humanitarian NGOs in France, Manuel Patrouillard, Director General of Handicap International/Humanité et Inclusion (HI), said that out of a budget of 270 million euros in 2024, 36 million came from USAID and that they had been forced to stop 36 projects overnight.

The same applies to Première Urgence Internationale (PUI), where CEO Thierry Mauricet explains that American funding accounts for around 30% of an annual budget of €130 million. At Solidarités International, the proportion is around 36%, according to its Managing Director, Kevin Goldberg. The same applies to Action Contre la Faim, ACTED, Triangle Génération Humanitaire (TGH) and many other humanitarian NGOs.

But beyond these cuts, uncertainty still reigns, as projects that were granted waiver to continue have subsequently been cancelled and then renewed in contradictory ways.

NGOs recently received letters on 21 March telling them that they could resume the various ‘life-saving’ programmes, without knowing whether these would continue if necessary when they expired. As a result, some NGOs are considering ending these programmes on the scheduled date without planning to follow up, due to the lack of American commitment at this stage.

Finally, the US administration owes a great deal of money to its partners, who have advanced the funds needed to implement the aid, without being reimbursed since December. Around €200 million is owed to 6 French NGOs, and the amount increases every month.

While the US Supreme Court has ruled that this money must be repaid, no one knows when this will happen. As a result, NGOs owed USD 25 or 30 million could find themselves out of business if the money is not repaid by June! So there are also major concerns about the cash flow of these organisations.

US Department of Defense. U.S. Marine Corps photo by Cpl. Isaac Ibarra/Released)

The origins of the earthquake

The US administration set out its position in a twenty-page document entitled ‘Designing a New Architecture for US International Assistance’. It states that ‘the US international assistance apparatus is inefficient and fragmented’ and that it lacks ‘a unified and coordinated delivery system’.

It states that ‘As Secretary Rubio has made clear, all U.S. international assistance efforts should make America safer, stronger and more prosperous’.

According to the new US administration ‘The United States had an archaic system that needed to be dismantled’ and President Trump’s ‘decisive actions’ are an opportunity to ‘restructure the system and establish an architecture for international cooperation that respects the taxpayer and achieves measurable results, particularly through the private sector, and aligns with America’s strategic interests.

In fact, it’s a question of restructuring American aid in depth, and this seems to have been thought out in advance when we discover the very precise and detailed roadmap for its implementation. In particular, USAID is to change its name, following changes to its articles of association, to become the US Agency for International Humanitarian Assistance (IHA). Similarly, the Office of Humanitarian Assistance (OHA) will become the Office of Humanitarian Assistance.

This is clearly a vast plan aimed at redefining the objectives, priorities, partners and organisational and operational methods for implementing this policy.

Press Conference by the President of the United States © NATO

But it is important to understand that this American earthquake in their humanitarian and development aid is part of a much broader and deeper perspective that can be summed up by Donald Trump’s political project of illiberalism. This aims to go beyond the limits of a liberal democracy deemed too slow, contradictory in its compromises and ill-adapted to the challenges of today’s world. A project that calls into question the separation of powers and the hierarchy of standards in the name of popular suffrage embodied by a leader who wields a great deal of power.

At this stage, I wondered whether Donald Trump’s America might not be the consequence of, or even the response to, the autocratic, even totalitarian, regimes of Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, Recep Tayyip Erdogan and others, or an American copy of a global trend that is also seeing a diversified global South assert itself and clash in heightened global competition.

In any case, this epochal change means that the humanitarian and development world must take it fully into account and position itself beyond what immediately affects it.

Donald Trump has confirmed and completed this change of era, in which the war in Ukraine has played a triggering role. In a more conflictual and unpredictable world that is disrupting the globalisation of trade, geopolitics is once again asserting itself as the ‘queen of battles’.

The world is changing

When Donald Trump distances himself from Europe and its defence, he is pursuing the American policy initiated by Barack Obama and continued by Joe Biden of refocusing the United States strategically on the Asia-Pacific region, in the face of China’s now global ambitions.

In so doing, he has brought us face to face with Russia and our disarmament in the possible absence of the American umbrella that has prevailed since the creation of NATO.

Public opinion in France is not mistaken when three out of four people support the rearmament of our defence according to a recent poll (1). Similarly, a study (2) shows that 50% of young people aged between 18 and 30 would be prepared to join the army in the event of a conflict threatening our country. This is what Brice Teinturier, CEO of Ipsos, says when he notes that ‘the strict separation between national and international issues is a thing of the past’.

This is borne out by the fact that the defence budget was €32 billion in 2017; it will be €50.5 billion in 2025, and €67 billion in 5 years’ time. But the pace is increasing in line with the risks, and the Minister of Defence, Sébastien Lecornu, is now working at the request of the President of the Republic, Emmanuel Macron, on a budget of €100 billion, or 4% of Gross Domestic Product.

This trend is sweeping across Europe, and summits of Heads of State and Government, as well as Chiefs of Defence Staff, are being held in quick succession in Paris and London to address the threat posed by Ukraine, which could eventually affect the Baltic States and Poland, and consequently the whole of Europe.

© Ministère de la Défense ukrainien
Victory Day Parade in Moscow © mos.ru

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Faced with the threat posed by Vladimir Putin, backed by China, and the abandonment of Donald Trump’s America, a relatively disarmed Europe seems to be rediscovering General de Gaulle’s vision of strategic independence based on the ultimate nuclear deterrent. In the general upheaval of the usual reference points, let us add that the same General de Gaulle was in favour of a Europe of nation states as a guarantee of its roots and strength, as Ukraine is proving by fighting for its freedom and independence.

Humanitarian conclusion

The change in times we are living through is similar to those we experienced with the fall of the Berlin Wall or the attack on the World Trade Center in New York on 11 September 2001, with the global consequences we are all familiar with.

The future will tell us how the interdependence of ruptures and recompositions will play out over time.

For the time being, although humanitarian aid must first of all cope with the dismantling of USAID, the change of era is profound and general, and it is in this new world that we must pursue our mission with, I believe, two convictions.

The first is that being a French or any other citizen is compatible with international aid in the name of humanism, solidarity, history and even a ‘certain idea’ of one’s country and its responsibilities in the world.

The second is that, whatever the world that lies ahead, solidarity between human beings and nations is still urgently needed to save lives and overcome poverty through sustainable development.

The real humanitarian challenge now is to know how we are going to help and develop with fewer resources in the face of greater needs. That’s the challenge we have to meet.

Alain Boinet.

 

I invite you to read these interviews and articles published in the edition :