The European Union, ECHO and Humanitarian Action

Interview with Pauline Chetcutti, President of VOICE.

Pauline Chetcuti speaking at the press conference on the sidelines of the 2025 European Humanitarian Forum. © DG ECHO

Alain Boinet: At the end of July, the consolidated appeal stood at 45.84 billion dollars. At that date, only 7.64 billion dollars had been raised, which is about 40% less than at the same time last year! As a result, the United Nations announced a drastic reduction of their plan, leading to hyper-prioritization targeting only 114 million people at risk out of the 310 million identified, with a budget of 29 billion dollars and no guarantee of achieving it. What do you think?

Pauline Chetcuti:

The situation is concerning: 40% less than last year and only 17% of the requested amount actually raised. The consequences will be dramatic for communities in need of assistance.

This hyper-prioritization will have very heavy effects. On the one hand, tens of millions of people will be left without lifesaving aid, with the risk of tipping into increased precarity. On the other hand, it risks creating new emergencies that could have been avoided if these populations had been taken into account.

It also raises a moral and ethical question: how can we “sort” lives this way?

For years, work has been done on the triple nexus, on resilience and prevention—everything that goes beyond pure emergency response. Yet with this hyper-prioritization we risk a return to a solely emergency-driven logic, which is more costly and generates imbalances between populations.This movement thus contributes to discrediting the humanitarian sector by leaving populations aside, in a context where the trust of both beneficiaries and donors is already deeply weakened.

The Secretary-General António Guterres delivers the opening address of the General Debate of the eightieth session of the General Assembly. © United Nations

Alain Boinet: In a context of funding crisis and weakened leadership of the United Nations, how should we approach the UN 80 structural reform project launched by the Secretary-General on the occasion of the 80th anniversary of the UN and, within this framework, the specific Humanitarian Reset which concerns, in one way or another, all humanitarian actors?

Pauline Chetchuti:

Obviously, budget cuts make reform necessary, even if this is not new since the UN has been reforming in cycles for several years. Today, we are in a context of crisis where budgets are cut, and the reorganization proposed by UN 80 as well as the Humanitarian Reset are being undertaken in direct response to this situation.

The UN 80 project is a reorganization of UN entities with better coordination between the peace–development–human rights pillars, as well as a simplification of mandates, with potentially large UN agencies grouped together.

This reform therefore responds to a double urgency: the decline in funding and the loss of credibility of multilateralism.

The Humanitarian Reset is part of this logic, aiming for simplification, efficiency and “cost-effectiveness” of the sector. It seeks to refocus funding as close as possible to countries, notably via OCHA’s country-based pooled funds, and it also emphasizes localization. In principle, localization is not ruled out, but the way it will be implemented raises questions. At VOICE, we are working precisely on these points, notably on the importance of maintaining a diversity of instruments and actors to respond to complex and diverse contexts.

However, we must avoid reducing everything to technical aspects. The success of these reforms will also depend on the political will of donors and the commitment of States. It is up to us—NGOs and networks—to document the concrete consequences of the Reset for organizations and to remind everyone of our fundamental and complementary role in the humanitarian ecosystem. NGOs bring essential diversity, being closest to contexts and with a nuanced understanding of population needs. It is therefore crucial to ensure that all humanitarian actors are taken into account in the Reset led by Tom Fletcher.

Finally, the achievements of the reforms undertaken since the World Humanitarian Summit and the Grand Bargain must be preserved and, above all, prioritized: flexible funding, localization, risk sharing and lighter reporting requirements. We cannot afford to go backwards.

Tom Fletcher, during a press conference in Geneva, on December 3, 2024. © UNOCHA

Alain Boinet: Governments representing various political leanings—within the European Union and OECD members in particular, not to mention the United States—are significantly reducing their humanitarian and development aid. How can we understand these decisions, what are the possible consequences, and what can and should humanitarian actors do?

Pauline Chetcuti:

The humanitarian crisis is severe at present, accentuated by U.S. cuts with the end of USAID, but it is also a long-term trend over recent years. The reasons are multiple, though some common threads emerge: national retrenchment, refocusing on domestic priorities, fiscal austerity, inflation, public debt. At the same time, we see rising military expenditures and declining spending on international cooperation.

There is also donor fatigue and distrust toward aid after Covid, Ukraine, etc. Moreover, it is becoming very difficult for States to continue defending and justifying these investments. Indeed, it is complicated for them to maintain their commitment when they cannot show immediate and tangible results, in a logic of prioritizing responses to the internal needs of their own populations.

Furthermore, we have weakened leadership at the United Nations, despite a huge increase in the services it provides. There is truly a loss of momentum and legitimacy of multilateral institutions, which is obviously driven by certain great powers (China, the United States, etc.) that are changing the context we operate in. And this is what is driving today’s budget cuts.

The direct consequences will be particularly heavy for communities already weakened by conflicts, climate shocks or economic inequalities. These populations will be doubly affected by the decline in funding, the reduction in international cooperation and the scaling back of support. It is a vicious circle: the less we fund the aid system and the multilateral system, the less visible the impact of this system is for the most vulnerable. Consequently, there is disengagement from institutions that weakens their effectiveness and legitimacy, which then, in turn, is used to justify reduced engagement and investment in these very institutions.

For us as NGOs, as members of civil society and as a network representing a large number of organizations, we must resist and reaffirm the impact of international cooperation and, more specifically, of humanitarian aid. We must demonstrate its concrete impact for the most vulnerable populations, build a strong narrative toward institutions, donors, but also the general public.

European polls still show significant public support for humanitarian aid, though not always reflected in the policies of Member States. That is why it is essential to maintain a strong voice, to continue demonstrating the positive impact of humanitarian aid and to highlight partnerships with local NGOs. That is to say, it is not simply the European Union acting vis-à-vis States in the rest of the world, but above all an approach aimed at creating strong civil societies capable of developing their own capacities within the contexts in which they operate.

So this is a virtuous circle to which we contribute, in which communities develop positively and emerge from cycles of vulnerability. For us, the challenge is to continue to engage to counter today’s weariness and disengagement.

Malakal, capital of Upper Nile State, South Sudan, May 16, 2023. © Solidarités International/Bebe Joel

Alain Boinet: In a recent VOICE Out Loud publication (September 2025), you published a long interview with Commissioner Hadja Lahbib on the various communication challenges for the European Union’s humanitarian aid. What should we take away from it, in your view?

Pauline Chetcuti:

First, we are very grateful to Commissioner Hadja Lahbib for lending her voice and contributing to this interview. I recommend reading it; it is really very interesting.

A key message emerges from this exchange: speak with principles and values. She places at the center dignity and the need to be in integrity with the agency of each population. She also puts communication at the heart—listening to what populations want before “speaking over” them. It is not about “advertising,” but about making the voices of our partners in different countries heard, with integrity.

She encourages communicating with values, with a real desire to convey a message of solidarity and community. The idea is that we can show impact while going beyond images that are sometimes undignified (such as those of children in conflict), often used in the past. We can communicate with dignity to foster solidarity, not just visibility.

Hadja Lahbib in Chad, 2025 © European Union/Denis Sassou Gueipeur.

Alain Boinet: In a previous interview with you published in Défis Humanitaires in February 2025, we notably discussed the DG ECHO budget for 2025. Three months from the end of the year, do we now know its amount and how do you at VOICE analyze it?

Pauline Chetcuti:

The budget question is fundamental, and all our members within VOICE are asking it.

For 2025, the amount stands at around 2.46 billion euros for the strictly humanitarian line. The figure will be consolidated by the end of the year, with possible budget top-ups. We already know that the emergency aid reserve was fully mobilized this year to respond to several major crises, and it is unlikely to be renewed before year-end. This reserve provided for 583 million euros for 2025.

We do not think there will be any major change in how the European Union will fund humanitarian crises.

As for the draft 2026 budget, the Commission is proposing a little over 1.8 billion euros for humanitarian aid; subsequently, the Council proposed an increase of 18 million to this amount. It is a step up, but it remains limited in view of the growing scale of humanitarian needs and inflation. Moreover, this does not at this stage include the emergency and solidarity reserve, which will be discussed over the course of the year.

Alain Boinet: Discussions for the next Multiannual Financial Framework (2028–2035) have begun at the European Commission, which should present a proposal during 2025. Moreover, President Ursula von der Leyen and Commissioner Piotr Serafin announced a budget of 200 billion euros for “Global Europe in the world,” the new external action instrument with an indicative amount of 25 billion euros for humanitarian aid. While the increase is very significant and positive, humanitarian actors are nevertheless concerned about the vagueness and risks related to the framework and objectives. What does VOICE and its President think?

Pauline Chetcuti: :

This is a core issue for VOICE: how to use this new multiannual financial framework (MFF) and understand what this Global Europe entails.

At VOICE, we welcome the indicative amount of 25 billion euros earmarked for humanitarian aid under this new Global Europe instrument. It is a strong political signal in a particularly difficult context, marked both by rising humanitarian needs and by a growing lack of donor interest in supporting aid.

But this must be put into perspective. First, we do not yet know how this instrument will be used. If we add up the annual budget and the reinforcements of recent years (including the emergency aid reserve), we already reached a little over 17 billion euros. The increase is therefore real, but not spectacular, especially when we consider that humanitarian needs will continue to grow—particularly if the UN continues its hyper-prioritization.

Next, these figures are for now only proposals since the Member States must still decide.

Finally, another concern for VOICE relates to the political framing of this new instrument. Global Europe emphasizes the competitiveness, sovereignty and economic power of the European Union rather than the needs of affected populations. We therefore face a more political instrument, embedded in a logic of strengthening the interests of the European Union.

Nevertheless, humanitarian aid appears to be preserved, and that is positive. But will it remain independent of the EU’s political priorities? That is not guaranteed. This is precisely what we want to determine. We will advocate for aid to remain needs-based and grounded in humanitarian principles, rather than in the interests of Member States.

Within VOICE, we will continue to raise these questions and to engage directly with DG ECHO and the European Commission on the MFF issues. We also invite all VOICE members to contribute, to share their concerns and, above all, to mobilize Member States to support the maintenance of independent humanitarian aid within this new instrument. We call on each State to take a position on the new MFF to guarantee the safety and sustainability of the humanitarian envelope.

European Humanitarian Forum, 2024 – © European Union

Alain Boinet: Some Member States wish to become more involved and are considering creating a specific forum of States dedicated to humanitarian aid, with the objective of ring-fencing humanitarian funding and thus avoiding any fungibility of humanitarian funds within the overall 200 billion euros. Is this an interesting avenue?

Pauline Chetcuti:

All avenues are worth exploring if they strengthen the effectiveness and credibility of spending.

However, it is essential to ensure today that humanitarian funding is neither diluted nor controlled by the national interests of Member States or of the European Union— in other words, by geopolitical considerations.

Humanitarian aid must also remain flexible in order to react to an extremely volatile context, marked by severe and sudden deteriorations in certain countries. This flexibility must allow us to respond to immediate needs, but also to neglected or forgotten crises often absent from the media spotlight.

Whatever new instrument is built, it must respond as closely as possible to the needs of populations, while remaining accessible to NGOs, and in particular to local partners.

In short, if we open or create a new instrument, we absolutely must integrate these conditions from the outset and ensure that they are fully included in the avenue under discussion.

Alain Boinet: For the good information of our readers, particularly outside Europe, can you present VOICE in broad strokes?

Pauline Chetcuti:

VOICE is a European network of humanitarian NGOs. We bring together more than 90 member organizations based in the EU, as well as in the United Kingdom and Switzerland, which implement or support humanitarian aid.

Our role is twofold. On the one hand, we are a space for coordination and exchange among European humanitarian NGOs. This fosters the adoption of common positions, and the sharing of expertise and knowledge, and creates synergies.

On the other hand, we carry collective advocacy with European institutions (DG ECHO, the European Parliament, Member States). Through our European members and their NGO networks. For example, we work closely with national networks such as Coordination SUD in France to build common positions.

In short, VOICE is a bridge between the European humanitarian civil society and public decision-makers in a region that remains one of the world’s main humanitarian donors.

A member of Oxfam staff helps a family carry home the non-food items they have just received at the UN House in Juba. © Oxfam / Anita Kattakuzhy

Alain Boinet: How would you like to conclude this interview? A message, a call?

Pauline Chetcuti:

It is a difficult question. How can we conclude on a positive note in the face of the challenges we have discussed?

Obviously, we are facing a very severe existential crisis in the humanitarian system. We suffer from a credibility deficit, to which we must know how to respond. The response must be collective. NGOs must come together to create a strong voice, a common narrative that reaffirms the value of international cooperation and global solidarity. This is a real challenge we are setting ourselves within NGOs and that we are determined to meet.

The other point is that funding issues, although essential and at the heart of current debates, are not everything. We also need to remember why we do all this and why it is so important to ask these questions. Because this funding primarily makes it possible to maintain aid to the most vulnerable.

Obviously, we think of forgotten conflicts, such as in the Democratic Republic of Congo or Sudan, where the contexts are absolutely dire. We also think of our colleagues and populations in Gaza and Palestine. If we are questioning ourselves today, it is to preserve this international solidarity, to act as close as possible to populations, to help them not only to survive, but above all to live with dignity and exercise their fundamental rights.

Finally, for me, it is a call to collectivity, a surge of solidarity among our various NGOs. We have real collective potential if all organizations come together, notably through networks like VOICE. We can project a stronger voice and put forward essential ideas and values.

I will conclude by saying that money is not everything. What matters is what we do with it. How we transform this funding into concrete changes, into improved lives in the most complex contexts, so that everyone can get by, survive and live a better life.

Experts from the EU and UNHCR at the border between Sudan and Chad. Around 40,000 people—Sudanese refugees and Chadian returnees—have crossed the border since the start of the conflict in Sudan. © UNHCR/Aristophane Ngargoune

 

Pauline Chetcuti:

Pauline Chetcuti has been—since June 2024—the President of VOICE. Pauline Chetcuti is also Head of Humanitarian Campaigns and Advocacy for Oxfam International. A lawyer specialized in international humanitarian law and human rights, she has solid experience within UN agencies and NGOs in contexts such as Palestine, Afghanistan, the DRC and Myanmar. She provides strategic leadership on global campaigns and policies related to the protection of civilians, fragility and the impact of climate change on vulnerable populations. Author of several publications on humanitarian principles, hunger and the link between climate and humanitarian action, she contributes actively to the international debate. An expert in network management, she strengthens humanitarian partnerships and represents Oxfam in high-level forums. Guided by feminist leadership, she values diversity, inclusion and the expression of the voices of her team and partners.

CALL TO READERS

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Laziness

Laziness

When the West gives up, other models of solidarity must be create

©UN News – Children in Gaza wait for their empty containers to be filled with food.

Looking at the figures reported to OCHA, the drop in humanitarian funding from 25 billion US$ in 2024 to 7.2 billion by mid-2025 is drastic. Compared to the number of people assisted — 116 million in 2024 and 190 million in 2025 — it means going from 21 US$ per 100 people to 4 US$ per 100 people.

In general, Official Development Assistance has begun to decline after several years of continuous growth to respond to successive crises, as shown in the following chart.

©OCDE -Trends in total Official Development Assistance (ODA) from Development Assistance Committee (DAC) countries, 2000-2024 (official data) and 2025-2027 (projections), in billions of US dollars, at constant prices (2023). After increasing to meet the needs of recent successive crises, ODA is expected to decline further in 2025 and in the short term.

What has changed? Us, collectively. Modern industrialized humanitarian aid is a creation of the West, of rich countries that set the global political and economic rules. Even since decolonization, the West, victor of hot or cold wars, was the universal model of economic and societal development toward which all laggards were supposed to aspire. Development aid was indeed designed for this purpose, and it was easy and magnanimous for us to help those who had not benefited from these changes, the left-behinds of development, the ‘left behind’ to use the current terminology. Humanitarian assistance as a global Western safety net. But now, we have weakened financially, and above all I believe, there is no longer in our Western societies the real will to shape the world intellectually, economically, militarily. Laziness, my children would say.

From this follows, for better or worse, a global relativism supported by well-understood and very visible political double standards. If what we propose is not superior by nature, then everything is equal, and everyone might as well seek their own interest or propose their own model. Contemporary America is of course the illustration of this, carrying no values as a standard, no proposal for the world. Many countries have naturally used our laziness to their advantage to shake the established order. Look at ongoing discussions and peace negotiations. They no longer take place so much in Geneva, New York, or Paris, but in Istanbul, Jeddah, or Astana. The Tianjin summit is as important as the G7. If the West no longer wishes to dominate the systems that govern the world, then why should we concern ourselves with why and how Sudanese generals fight? Other people’s wars are ultimately quite bearable on television.

Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and Kim Jong-Un at the military parade in Beijing marking the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II on September 3, 2025. ©Russian Government.

So, do we need human solidarity? Certainly. The current world is already globalized. There is less North and South, East and West, but a world of overlapping networks, leopard-like patches, in layers of a sociological rather than geographical nature. The effects of climate change, biodiversity loss, pervasive organized crime leaving public authorities failing or authoritarian, these are problems that occur in Grenoble, Caracas, or New Guinea. If the problems are global, then human solidarity may not only be linked to recognizing the suffering of our fellow humans, but to the interdependence of human beings among themselves and their capacity to act for themselves. The current world certainly needs an ethical framework and a practice of international solidarity. But the provision of life or care is not enough, especially since it is increasingly difficult to deliver. Should aid then be more activist, more openly political?

Should your taxes pay for it? All this is very fine, but if this solidarity is organized in a network, it always ends up translating into a transfer of resources. In the majority of cases, whether for the United Nations, the Red Cross movement, or NGOs, these resources are not their own funds. It is not direct solidarity. These resources represent indirect solidarity through states that outsource the operationalization of their humanitarian budgets as an instrument of their foreign policy. These are therefore political choices, difficult budgetary priorities, and not humanitarian considerations that primarily define humanitarian budgets.

Official Development Assistance, which includes humanitarian budgets, is an adjustment variable, and its elimination has no political cost for those who decide it. Who will protest or block roads to preserve ODA? It is therefore because aid in general, and humanitarian aid in particular, is not or no longer perceived as effective in defending our interests that it is cut. This perception is important: let us remember what Marco Rubio, gravedigger of USAID, said: “USAID created a globe-spanning NGO industrial complex at taxpayer expense with little to show since the end of the Cold War. Development objectives have rarely been met, instability often worsened and anti-American sentiment has grown.” If aid were perceived as directly useful to the interest and security of states, it would be preserved, in the United States as elsewhere. It is also interesting to see that in the available 2025 data, the United States still remains the largest humanitarian donor.

February 27, 2025 The End of USAID, Washington, DC USA © Ted Eytan

So, what now?

The nature of the world of the past is that it has passed, and one should not expect an ex-ante return. 2023 was the peak of a continuous increase in humanitarian budgets over more than a decade. The budgetary constraints of countries will not disappear, nor will the roughness of international relations. Either humanitarian aid — and development aid more generally — is integrated into a global security architecture that encompasses human security and environmental security, as Asian donors tend to do more willingly, or it is reduced to its bare minimum.

Localization? If we were honest with a local approach to aid, then a French NGO could quite easily support a Sudanese or Congolese NGO directly, without sending an entire mission to Port Sudan or Goma. Do we not hear in reports and workshops that communities are the first to respond and the best able to understand “needs” as well as the political environment in which these needs arise? What really prevents us from doing it? From establishing partnerships, signing framework agreements with NGOs whose “capacity building” we have supported for decades, using them as operational subcontractors, without paying operating costs that ensure sustainability, office rental, vehicle purchases, staff retention beyond the duration of a program? What also increasingly prevents us is the drying up of civic spaces and the possibility for citizens to organize and receive foreign funding. The urgency is also there. Enabling humanitarian response tomorrow means preserving and using as much as possible the residual civic spaces today.

Privatization? If countries outsource the operationalization of their humanitarian budget to a humanitarian system that is no longer perceived as sufficiently effective, the appeal of the private sector generally remains strong. It is an absolute anathema for many humanitarian actors, but in fact, the private sector is already mobilized and used for humanitarian logistics, distributions, and cooperation with governments. It is a very programmatic approach to aid, but for a donor, why would a company be less effective at distributing vaccines in a health center than UNICEF or an NGO? In the Indo-Pacific region, entire primary health and nutrition programs, straddling humanitarian aid and health sector support, are implemented by private companies that know their trade. In fact, no one dies from it. There are therefore situations where it will be politically and operationally possible and acceptable, and others — as we already see in Gaza — where it will not be.

We will not soon return to the era when humanitarian aid was driven by ideals of a better world for all. If all readers of Défis Humanitaires wanted to prove otherwise, we no longer have politically either the momentum or the means. Without substantial budgets, perhaps we must return to humanitarian entrepreneurs. Humanitarian aid may no longer be universal. Humanitarian aid will be what we make of it: a political tool, a lever of influence, an activist act, or a local action carried out by those who want and can. It may not even be neutral anymore. Neutrality protects humanitarian actors only insofar as the belligerents believe in it, which is increasingly not the case. Sad reality, sang Amadou and Mariam.

Cyprien Fabre :

Cyprien Fabre is the head of the “Crises and Fragilities” unit at the OECD. After several years of humanitarian missions with Solidarités, he joined ECHO, the humanitarian department of the European Commission, in 2003, and held several positions in crisis contexts. He joined the OECD in 2016 to analyze the engagement of DAC members in fragile or crisis-affected countries. He has also written a series of guides, “Policy into Action” and then “Lives in Crises,” to help translate donors’ political and financial commitments into effective programming in crises. He holds a degree from the Faculty of Law at Aix-Marseille.